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Full text of "The history of Sudbury, Massachusetts, 1638-1889"

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There is no past, so long as books shall Ywz. — Bulwer. 



P.O. BOX 218, SUDBURY, MASS. 01776 

This edition limited to 
a printing of one thousand copies 


This is copy number 

Special contents of this edition 
Copyright 1968 by the Sudbury Press 






On page 15, read Edmund for Edward. 

On page 22, line 20, read Massachusetts for Narragansetts. 

On page 34, line 30, read Goodnow for Haynes. 

Pages 35 and 36. The farm of William Browne at Nob- 
scot was not the two hundred acres allowed him by special 
grant of the General Court and referred to on page 62, that 
land being situated at the north-west corner of the town. 

On page 58, line 9, read south for north. 

On page 70, line 17, read (W. by S.). 

On page 116, line 16, read twenty-five for twenty. 

On page 167, lines 2 and 3, read and an ancestor of Dr. 
Moore formerly president, etc. 

On page 212, line 17, read Watertown for Weston. 

On page 274, line 29, read Stow for Stowe. 

On page 355, line 23, date wrong. 

On page 389, line 37, read Fairbanks for Forbush. 

On page 399, Haynes for Hamynes. 

On page 409, line 5, read June 17th. 

On page 487, line 38, read 1855 for 1857. 

On page 494, line 28, read north-easterly for northerly ; 
line 31, read Noyes for Haynes. 

On page 609, line 38, read horse for house. 

On page 634, line 1, read between for below. 

List of Illustrations, No. 6, read Brigham for Haynes. 

Blaine E. Taylor 

It is a hard fact, but no history of a colonial town like Hud- 
son's HISTORY OF SUDBURY will ever be written again. In 
our mobile society few build up the pride of locality and form their 
individual identity within the environment of a particular town. Such a 
work would be commercially unprofitable in even the largest community. 
A publication of the size and limited distribution of Hudson's book 
would today have to sell for seventy-five dollars a copy and even then 
the author would receive only five thousand dollars for two years 
of hard work. 

This book is reprinted because Sudbury is unique in its formation 
and in what its history reveals. Its historical records are more complete 
and more extensive in scope than those of any other town. As the 
second town formed in Massachusetts "beyond the flow of the tides," 
it has a unique heritage as a puritan village on the edge of the wilder- 
ness. After Salem, Sudbury was the largest town in Massachusetts 
during colonial times. Even during the Revolution it was the largest 
town in Middlesex County. In his brilliant and perceptive study 
PURITAN VILLAGE, Sumner Clinton Powell points to Sudbury 
as a "remarkable experiment in the formation and growth of a social 
community. " 

This was especially true for Sudbury was one of the few com- 
munities representative of all three types of English tradition which 
together formed the heritage of Massachusetts. Settlers of Sudbury 
came front the open-field manoral village, the incorporated borough, 
and the enclosed form East Anglican village. Here in one place in 
the new world merged the influence of communal town life, independent 
farming, borough government and the experience of English Parish 

The nineteenth town to be founded in Massachusetts, Sudbury 
was on the Old Connecticut Path. Bounded on the east by Watertown 
and on the north by Concord, and by open wilderness to the south and 
west, her history is full of the experiences of the frontier, Indian 
wars, and experimental civilization. 

Now is the time for reclaiming the values of the heritage of the 
small town for it has only recently been lost. When Sudbury cele- 
brated its three hundredth anniversary in 1939, it was still a small 
village with about the same population it possessed during Revolutionary 
days. Now, no longer the rural town, it is a classic example of the 
new suburban phenomena. A "bedroom town" for Boston and Route 
128, highly mobile in population, almost completely released from 
dependence on its soil, Sudbury must now become selfconsciously aware 
of her heritage or lose it forever. Almost as many people, because of 
mobility and population explosion, have lived within its borders in the 
last thrity years as in the previous three hundred. If the values and 
experiences of the first three centuries are to be preserved, now is the 
time for their renewal. 

Hudson's book is our primary resource and its massiveness forms 
a rich opportunity for a treasure hunt. A Protestant minister, com- 
missioned by the town to replace the first historian, Hudson worked 
diligently to rediscover his roots for he had been raised in the com- 
munity. It is therefore fitting that another clergyman who loves the 
town should introduce the fruits of his concern. 

// is unfortunate that he was not better equipped for his task. 
He could not make up his mind which course he wanted to follow. 
Although he filled the book with anecdotes and proclaimed that he 
would write in a style' that would be both interesting and easy to 
read, he also filled the book with innumerable lists and miscellaneous 
records and wrote with a pedantic overtone. The book's inclusiveness 
is both its value and its weakness. 

Once treated to the clear focus and analytical style of Powell, 
Hudson is often frustrating and, although it is hard to believe, in- 
complete. He is totally uninterested in intellectual history. He does not 
care about what men thought or why they acted. He tells us what 
happened, and manages to be unaware or unconcerned about why or 
even how it happened. He had a job to do and wrote on page by 
page without creativity or an awareness of great themes. Yet this is the 
excitement of the book. The reader is forced to be his own detective 
and this is raw material. The Biblical type lists of names and places 
which would on first glance be boring to pursue, are the rich lode of 
the book. Often Hudson is unintentionally humorous as his Victorian 
style gets the best of the facts. The literary quotations at the head of 
each chapter serve as his alternative for serious consideration of any 
ideas. At the same time the book has the flavor of authenticity and 
cannot be ignored. 

It is a great book not because its author was a writer or able 
to develop ideas, but because it has a subject detailed nowhere else. 
A scholar has to spend ten years to approach the excellence of Powell, 
and then cover three decades of history rather than three centuries. 
Hudson is necessary today because he opens a time and forms the 
flavor of a place. He puts historical supposition in human, personal, 
perspective, opening the fullness of the records and the majesty of 
the town 's experience. 

Sudbury is the mother town of western Massachusetts. This book 
covers the beginnings of Wayland, Natick, Cochituate, Framingham, 
Marlboro, Grafton, Hudson, Maynard, Stow, Rutland, and the city 
of Worcester, for each of these communities grew directly out of 

This is the story of the revolt of youth. Hudson recalls (p. 30-31) 
that "the settlers of Sudbury were young men, or in the prime of 
stirring manhood. They were not patriarchs near the close of their 
pilgrimage. Even those with whom, because of their prominence, we 
most associate dignity and gravity were comparatively young men when 
the settlement began." A young society has a great deal to learn from 
these young men who sailed on the good ship "Confidence" to a 
world which was almost as new to them as our world is to those 
of us who have lived in this transitional time. Power was still to be 
obtained by a combination of application of mind with the courage 
to act. It was an open society in a way that ours needs to become. 
Vested interest was yet to be claimed and men were able to adhere to 
both principle and passion. The wilderness was as frightening and as 
challenging as the city is today and almost as complex. 

Hudson wrote in the days when war could still be romanticized. 
His stories of the great battles and greater wars are ones of suffering, 
drama and heroism. We do not worry about human beings, but see 
the Indians as savages who torture, who fight with ferocity, and terror- 
ize their victims as the white man valiantly tries to shape a neu 
continent and find his destiny. Each war is an opportunity for glory anc 
a vehicle in which one was able to prove his manhood. 

The reader will excuse my interest in Sudbury's "do-it-yourself" 
approach to construction in those early days. All the first bridges, 
roads, meeting houses and community facilities were built by means 
of the same methods later used by the contemporary Sudbury Metho- 
dist Church to construct the largest house of worship ever built by the 
hands of volunteer workers. 

Hudson records the historical background and locates all of the 
town's oldest houses and historical landmarks. He gives the story of 
the place names of all schools, roads, and sections. If you dip into 
these pages, names like Nixon, Loring, JVoyes, Peakham, Dutton, 
Landham, Fairbanks, Haynes and Puffer will take on personal iden- 
tity and enrich location images. There are more descendents of early 
settlers still living in Sudbury than one might expect. I have counted 
well over one hundred names in Hudson that I recognize as still being 
represented in the town. 

No town can furnish such a pure illustration of colonial days 
or colonial government. Communities on the coast were much more 
directly under the control of the Crown and influenced more by mer- 
cantile activities than was a self-contained village. Here is the classic 
picture of the development of the New England Town Meeting. Hudson 
writes: {page 84) "In the principle of its operation it (the town 
meeting) is similar and modeled after the New England Congregational 
Church meeting . . . by these meetings each town became like a little 
republic. . . . There were no credentials for position that came from a 
titled authority, or from ancient hereditary rights based on manorial 
acquisition or influence. ..." Although Powell has taught us to be 
questioning about such conclusions, the raw materials are both fasci- 
nating and suggestive. 

The development of the American educational system is available 
in prototype in Sudbury's experience. The town was slow to comply 
to the laws of the colony because it had to fight in the wilderness for 
survival.! In fact, Hudson states {page 279) that "the records inform 
us that on January 1, 1702, the town voted that a note should be 
made 'to pay the 5 pounds the town was fined for want of a school 
master. ' ' Anyone who is aware of today's school construction costs 
or has to pay taxes will be interested to learn that {page 464) "in 
the year 1800, money was granted for building three school houses, 
in the southeast district, two hundred and eighteen dollars; in the 
north-west, one hundred and fifty dollars and fifty cents; and in the 
south-west, two hundred dollars. The old building in the south-west 
was sold for twenty-four dollars. "Jit is aim^ interesting that the town 
always paid cash for its schools in (■hbss=days. The changing times are 
apparent when we realize that in 1779 Sudbury spent twice as much 
for the salaries of its ministers as it did on its entire school budget. 
In the same period every school book had to be read by a minister 
and his approval secured before the book could be used in the classroom. / 

According to Hudson, every interesting historical adventure came 
close to the experience of the townspeople. He includes stories on 
witchcraft, slavery, the underground railroad, animal bounties, a great 
pestilence and plague that wiped out great numbers of Indians, the 
winning of great wars, the establishment of early crafts and craftsmen, 
the color of early graveyard markers, church politics and the dismissal 
of pastors, and the methods of welfare and public protection. We are 
told on page 328, for instance, that "in 1753 a movement was 
made to establish a work-house in Sudbury. At the above named 
date a vote was taken where it passed very fully in the affirmative, 

that it {the town) would provide a work-house in the town, that 
Idle and Disorderly people may be properly employed. " 

When we consider the great positive influence of such industries 
as Raytheon in contemporary Sudbury, we are aware of the difference 
in the first three hundred years of history when no major business 
or industry had yet come to town. The community had to make special 
concessions to great craftsmen. A miller was given a large lot and a 
guaranteed monopoly before he agreed to locate here. A blacksmith 
was given many privileges including all the free timber needed and 
free land. This book is the story of a community's beginnings and 
its evolution, but its importance lies in the fact that the community 
held a unique place in early America and its history demonstrates 
all the intricacies of our national heritage and it stands as a prototype 
of the American experience. 

Although many facts in Hudson are now subject to challenge 
and some sections could now be corrected as a result of subsequent 
research, it has been decided to reprint the original without change as 
an historical document. It is hoped that this work will again stimulate 
discussion and inspire one to take up the task of recording the history 
of the last hundred years of this unique town. During this period 
of change and development, the community has held its place in the 
pattern of American historical experience. 

I am deeply grateful to Mr. Calvin Otto whose interest, ability 
and experience made this project possible. 

In this book Hudson describes the custom of ringing a bell on 
the occasion of a death in the town. He writes {page 587) that it 
used "to break the monotony of our daily toil to have the silence 
suddenly broken by the slow tolling bell, that said plainer than words 
that another soul had dropped into eternity . . . three times it rang 
if it were a man, or three times two if it were a woman. Another 
pause, and then strokes corresponding in number to the years of the 
deceased. " 

The bell now tolls three hundred and thirty for Sudbury. The 
puritan village is dead. Yet the experience of its life and heritage 
might live on, without sentimentality or artificiality, if the citizens 
of our time know the past and face the future with a recognized 
identity. In this task Hudson's book can provide a new beginning. 


In submitting this volume to the public, we do not 
expect to be so fortunate as to have avoided all mistakes. 
We hope, however, that it contains as few as could be 
expected in a work relating to so broad a field of facts and 
so long a period of time. The following statements con- 
cerning the general plan of the work may assist the reader 
to a fairer estimate of its merits. 

The primary object of the writer has been to present the 
annals or general history of Sudbury. The age of the town, 
its importance and prominence in the past, and the fullness 
of its records have left no room for complete genealogies, 
and partial sketches of families or individuals have been 
given only so far as pertains to the general design of the 

The second object has been to make the book readable. 
If a local history is to be read it must be more than a col- 
lection of statistics, or quotations from records, or a compila- 
tion of facts given apart from their relation to each other 
or to events in the country at large. To accomplish the 
second object, whenever local events have been connected 
with general history, we have taken the space for the 
latter which we considered essential to show this connec- 
tion, and thus to broaden the view of the reader and add 
interest to the subject. As, for example, the statement 
that some French Neutrals were for a time cared for by 
the inhabitants of Sudbury might be invested with no in- 


terest to the general reader, and soon be forgotten, unless 
somewhat of the history of those unfortunates was also 
given. Secondly, we have intended, while we have not 
neglected minor things, to give greater prominence to events 
in which the general public is most interested. Thirdly, in 
some instances when we have quoted records verbatim, we 
have also taken space to give the same in our own language 
that, by enlarging upon the events recorded, we might add 
prominence and interest. 

In gathering historic material we have relied upon orig- 
inal sources of information, except in such instances as the 
reputation of an author has warranted us in accepting of 
his statements. The original sources from which we have 
drawn are the voluminous mass of town records, the loose, 
fragmentary papers of the Stearns Collection, the State 
Archives, the traditions of old inhabitants, and histories 
! whose authors were contemporaneous with the events they 
recorded. The first source referred to consists of several 
large record books, the first of which dates from the begin- 
ning of the settlement, and is followed by a series of well- 
kept books containing a detailed and unbroken record of the 
transactions of the old historic town. These books cover a 
space of two hundred and fifty years, and in instances the 
paper is worn and the writing illegible. The Stearns Col- 
lection is made up of manuscripts which were gathered by 
Dr. Thomas Stearns of Sudbury. Some of these bear an 
early date, and consist of deeds, wills, journals or diaries, 
and fragmentary bits of information. The State Archives 
contain valuable information not found in the town books. 
This is especially so as regards the early wars. The town 
books contain but little about the war with King Philip, and 
the conflicts that occurred during the last of the seventeenth 
and the first of the eighteenth century, and also but little 
about the French and Indian wars. 


The old inhabitants referred to are some who are now 
living and some who have passed away since this work was 
commenced. Among the former are Mr. John Maynard, 
Capt. James Moore and Mr. James S. Draper of Wayland. 
Among the latter are C. G. Cutler, Esq., Mr. Josiah Haynes, 
Mrs. Samuel Jones, Mrs. J. P. Allen, Mr. Reuben Rice of 
Concord and Mr. Abel Heard of Wayland, formerly East 
Sudbury. We have also obtained valuable information from 
local histories of modern date. 

In our system of arrangement, we have combined the 
chronological with the topical ; that is, we have, since 1650, 
considered the history of the town in successive periods of 
a quarter century each, taking topically, in the main, the 
events which each contained. We consider the advantage 
of this system to be that, after a careful perusal of this work, 
the reader will be able to take a general view of the town 
in all its relations — civil, social, and religious — at any 
period of its history. 

In the selection of material we have been guided by the 
main object of the history, namely, to give a correct and 
vivid impression of times, characters, and events. 

We have endeavored not to pass lightly by any event that 
had an especially formative or far-reaching influence ; but, 
in the history of two hundred and fifty years of a town once 
the largest in the county, it may be expected that much will 
be left out which would otherwise be gathered up. 

In making reference to the town books the page has been 
generally omitted, partly to save space, partly because some 
of the books are not paged, and partly because the date suf- 
ficiently indicates the place where the record may be found. 

In seeking information we have been kindly received, 
and we extend our thanks to all those who have rendered 
assistance, and to all who, by the confidence they have 
reposed in us and their interest in the work and apprecia- 


tion of its magnitude, have made the difficult task more 
pleasant. The author would acknowledge his indebtedness 
to the members of his own family for substantial aid ; and 
especially to Mrs. L. R. Hudson, who has shared with him 
in the arduous work, and without whose sympathy, encour- 
agement, and assistance, this history would have been longer 
in completion and of less value. 

Thanks are also especially due to Mr. Jonas S. Hunt, 
Sudbury's efficient and courteous town clerk, whose hearty 
co-operation as well as substantial assistance demand the 
gratitude of both the town and the author. 

Thanks are due to Mr. John Ward Dean, Librarian of the 
New England Historic-Genealogical Society, for kindly giv- 
ing access to the books of the Society, Mr. James S. Draper 
of Wayland, for his assistance in locating and drawing a 
map of the early homesteads of the settlers, Mr. Asahel 
Balcom of Maynard, for facts about the north-west district, 
Mr. George H. Barton of the Institute of Technology, Bos- 
ton, for preparing a paper on the geology of Sudbury, Miss 
G. A. Goodnow, for facts concerning the Methodist church, 
and others who have furnished valuable information. 

We would also acknowledge the valuable assistance re- 
ceived from Temple's History of Framingham, Shattuck's 
History of Concord, Saunderson's History of Charlestown, 
N. H., Reed's History of Rutland, and Drake's History of 
Middlesex County. We would also take this occasion to 
express our thanks to the town of Sudbury for the liberal 
appropriation which has enabled us to complete the work. 

Alfred S. Hudson. 
Ayer, June 1st, 1889. 



Early Condition of the Country. — Original Boundaries. — Indian 
Names. — Primitive Forests. ■ — Laws concerning Timber. — Clear- 
ings. — Game. — Johnson's Description. — Meaning of "Meadow 
Lands." — " Old Connecticut Path." — Indian Trails, 1 


Indians of Sudbury Territory. — Relics. — Localities where they 
Lived : at Nobscot, the Vicinity of the River, Weir Hill, Cochit- 
uate. — Names and History of Prominent Indians: Karte, Tanta- 
mous, Nataous. — Description of Wigwams. — Food. — Charac- 
teristics. — Method of Hunting and Fishing. — Tribal Relations. 
— Nature of their Early Intercourse with the English, . 


Origin ok the Sudbury Settlement. — Why it was formed. — Names 
of Early Settlers : Residents of Watertown, Emigrants from 
England. — Passenger List of the Ship " Confidence." — Tradition 
about John Rutter. — Character of the Settlers. — Biographical 
Sketches, 24 


Method of Acquiring Territory. — Character and Jurisdiction of the 
Massachusetts Bay Colony. — Colonial Court. — Response to the 
Petition fpr a Plantation at Sudbury. — Successive Land Grants. 
— Purchase of Territory. — Indian Deeds. — Incorporation of the 
Town. — Name. — Sketch of Sudbury, Eng. — Town Boundaries, 57 



Place and Plan of Settlement. — Data of House-lots. — Description 
of Map. — Course of First Street. — Sites of Early Homesteads. — 
Historic Highway. — Time of Settlement. — Dimensions of First 
Dwelling-house. — Early Experiences of the Settlers, . . .73 


Town Meetings. — Their Origin and Character. — Conditions of 
Citizenship. — Freemen. — Place of Town Meeting. — Town Offi- 
cers. — Highways. — Bridges. — "Indian Bridge." — The "Old 
Town Bridge." — Contracts with Ambrose Leach and Timothy 
Hawkins. — Causeway. — Formation of Church. — Settlement of 
First Minister. — Erection of First Meeting-House. — Contract 
with John Kutter.— Building of Grist-Mill 83 


Land Divisions. — Origin of the Terms " Common " and " Lot." — 
Permission of Colonial Court for Land Division. — Principles 
upon which Land Divisions were Made. — The Meadows a Basis 
of Division. — Meadow Rights, or Meadow Dividends. — Rules 
of Division. — Quantity of Meadow Received in Three Early 
Allotments.— - Division of Upland. — Town's Common or Undi- 
vided Lands. — Proprietors' Common or Undivided Lands. — 
Proprietors' Meetings subsequent to 1700. — Specimens of their 
Records. — Land Allotments to be Recorded. — Cow Common. — 
Land for the Support of the Ministry. — Reservations for " Plant- 
ing Fields," a " Training Field," a Mill, a Pasture for " Working 
Oxen," Timber Land, 104 


Miscellaneous. — Laws concerning Domestic Animals, Birds, Wolves, 
Ammunition and Fire-arms. — Common Planting Fields. — Fence 
Viewers and Fences. — Staple Crops. — Meadow Grass; Abun- 
dance, Time and Price of Cutting, Measures for Improving. — 
Mode of Travel. — Staking the Causeway. — Climate. — Rain and 
Snow Fall. — Occasion of Floods. — Breaking Out Roads. — Care 
of the Poor. — Laws for the Prevention of Poverty Enacted by 
the Town; by the Province. — Town Action for the Encourage- 
ment of Industry. — Education. — Morality. — Instruction in the 


Use of Fire-arms. — Tything-men. — Stocks. — Lecture Day. — 
Fasts. — Baptism of Infants. — Laws Relating to Labor. — Pay- 
ments Often Made in Produce. — Negroes Bought and Sold. — 
Copy of Bill of Sale. — Schedule of Inhabitants a Century and a 
Half Ago. — Respect Shown by the Use of Titles; by Gratula- 
tion ; by Seating in the Meeting-House. — Careful of Dues. — 
Precaution Against Fire. — Borrowing Canoes. — -Board of the 
Representatives. — Peculiar Names of Places, .... 128 


Sudbury in the Colonization of Other Towns : Framingham, Marl- 
boro, Worcester, Grafton, Rutland, 151 


Activity on the West Side of the River. — Early Homesteads. — 
Laying Out of the " New Grant." — Land Allotments. — Owners 
and Occupants. — "The Thirty Rod Highway." — Settlement of 
Marlboro. — The " Hop Brook Mill." — Highway to the New Mill. 
— "Old Lancaster Road." — New Meeting-House; Contract. — 
The "Cow Common" Controversy, 177 



Philip's War : Sources of Information ; Cause and Nature. — Defen- 
sive Measures by the Town : Garrison- Houses ; Militia. — Defen- 
sive Measures by the Colony. — Services of the Town outside its 
Limits; List of Men Impressed. — Swamp Fight. — Services of 
Ephraim Curtis among the Nipnets: As a Messenger with Pro- 
posals of Peace; As a Guide in Captain Hutchinson's Expedi- 
tion. — Signs of Indian Hostilities in and about the Town. — 
Edmund Brown's Letter. — Night Attack on the Indians, and 
Death of Netus, 195 



Philip's War. — Indian Invasion; Date. — Number of the Enemy. 
— Philip's Preparation. — Indian Powwow. — Movements of the 
English. — General Attack on the Town. — Assault on the Haynes 


Garrison. — Hostilities on the East Side. — Resistance of the Eng- 
lish. — Arrival of Reinforcements ; Concord Company, Watertown 
Company. — The Indians Driven Over the Causeway and Bridge. 

— Attempt to Reinforce Captain Wadsworth. — Description Given 

in " The Old Petition," , . . 217 



Philip's War. — The Sudbury Fight. — Number of Men in Captain 
Wadsworth's Company: The Arrival at Marlboro; The Return 
to Sudbury. — The Ambuscade: Place of It. — Philip's Plan of 
Attack. — Number of Indians. — The Battle. — The Forest Fire. 

— Retreat of the English. — Refuge in Hop Brook Mill. — Num- 
ber of the English Slain. — Philip's Loss. — Treatment of Cap- 
tives. — Rescue of the Survivors. — Burial of the Dead. — Place 
of Burial. — Biographical Sketches: Captain Wadsworth, Captain 
Brocklebank. — Roxbury Men. — Concord Men. — Marlboro Men. 

— The Christian Indians. — Movements of the English after the 
Battle. — Sudbury's Loss 233 


Revival of Prosperity after Philip's War. — Payment for Fortifica- 
tion of the Meeting-House. — Erection of Saw-Mill at Hop 
Brook. — Death of Rev. Edmund Browne; Place of Burial; His- 
torical Sketch. — Settlement of Rev. James Sherman. — Purchase 
of Parsonage. — Building of New Meeting-House. — Political 
Disturbances. — Change of Charter. — Administration of Sir Ed- 
mund Andros. — Indian Hostilities. — The Ten Years War. — 
Distribution of Ammunition. — Petition of Sudbury. — Phipps 
Expedition. — Sudbury Canada Grant. — Witchcraft. — Samuel 
Paris; Historical Sketch. — Incorporation of Framingham. — 
Miscellaneous Matters, , 259 



Educational Advantages; Why so Small— School Laws by the 
Province. — Town Action. — Grammar School ; Location. — Mixed 
Schools. — Masters. — School- Houses. — Ecclesiastical Matters. — 


Dismission of Rev. Mr. Sherman. — Ordination of Rev. Israel 
Loring. — Division of the Town into Two Precincts; Petitions, 
Remonstrances, Decision of the Court, Subsequent Action of the 
Town. — Call of Mr. Loring by the People of the West Precinct; 
His Acceptance. — Renewal of the Church Covenant by the Peo- 
ple of the West Side; Subscribers Thereto. — Settlement of Rev. 
Mr. Cook in the East Parish. — Building of a Meeting-House on 
the West Side; Location. — Removal of the East Side Meeting- 
House ; New Location 277 



Queen Anne's War; Attendant Hardships. — Father Ralle's War ; 
Eastern Expedition, List of Sudbury Soldiers. — Ranger Service; 
Its Nature. — Death of Samuel Mossman. — Imperiled Condition 
of Rutland. — Death of Rev. Joseph Willard by the Indians. — 
Petition for Assistance. — List of Sudbury Soldiers at Rutland. — 
Captain Wright's Letter. — Lieut. William Brintnall ; His Letter. 
— Province Loans. — River Meadow. — Causeway. — Roads. — 
Miscellaneous. . 295 



Highways. — Bridges. — Schools. — Movement for a New Town- 
ship; Remonstrances. — Petition Relating to the River Meadows. 
— Sale of Peter Noyes's Donation of tiie Hop Brook Mill. — 
Gratuities to the Ministers. — Miscellaneous Matters. . . . JJ05 


Third French and Indian War. — Sudbury Soldiers at Cape Breton. 
— Fort No. 4, N.H. — Capt. Phineas Stevens. — Sketch of His 
Life. — His Service in Connection with the Building and Defense 
of the Fort. — Capt. Josiah Brown. — Engagement with French 
and Indians about the Fort. — Petition of Captain Brown. — Peti- 
tion of Jonathan Stanhope. — Battle between the Forces of Cap- 
tain Stevens and General Debeline. — Expedition of Captain 
Hobbs. — Battle between the Commands of Captain Hobbs and 
Chief Sackett. — Sketch of Capt. Josiah Brown. — List of Captain 
Brown's Troopers, 313 




The Work-House. — Regulations of it. — Pest- House at Nobscot. — 
Graves of Small-Pox Victims. — Pest-Houses on the East Side. — 
Graves of Victims. — Inoculation for the Disease. — Statistics 
Relating to It. — Highway Work. — Lottery for Repairing the 
Causeway. — Schools. — School-Houses. — Fourth French and In- 
dian War. — Causes of It. — Lists of Sudbury Soldiers in Various 
Campaigns. — First and Second Foot Companies. — Alarm List. — 
Troops of Horse. — Battle at Half-Way Brook. — Death of Cap- 
tain Dakin. — Sketch of his Life. — Covenant. — Correspondence. 
-^French Neutrals. — Death of Rev. William Cook. — Settle- 
ment of Rev. Josiah Bridge. — Death of Rev. Israel Loring. — 
Sketch of His Life. — Settlement of Rev. Jacob Bigelow. — Divi- 
sion of West Part into Wards. — Powder House. — Noon Houses. 
— Pound. — Measures to Suppress Swindling, .... 327 



War of the Revolution. — Causes of It. — Attitude of the Town 
Relative to the Stamp Act.' — Instructions to the Representative 
Concerning It. — Report of the Committee Relative to the Impor- 
tation of Tea.- — Patriotic Resolutions of the Town. — Instruc- 
tions to its Representatives. — An Old Document Descriptive of 
the Times. — Military Preparations. — Choice of Militia Officers. 
— Organization of Minute Companies. — Names and Captains of 
Companies. — Muster Rolls. — Equipments. — Drill. — Call Roll 
of Captain Nixon's Company. — Military Stores Removed to 
Sudbury. — The Alarm. — The Mustering and March. — The 
Arrival at Concord. — The Encounter at the North Bridge. — 
Retreat of the British. — The Pursuit. — Encounter at Merriam's 
Corner. — At Hardy's Hill. — Incident. — Sudbury's Loss. — 
x Sketch of Deacon Josiah Haynes. — Sketch of Mr. Asahel Read. 358 



Revolutionary War. — Sudbury Soldiers at Bunker Hill. — Muster 
Rolls of Captains Russell, Moore, and Haynes. — Battle of Bun- 
ker Hill. — Position and Service of the Regiments of Colonels 


Nixon and Brewer. — Number of Casualties. — The Siege of 
Boston, — List of Men in Two Months Service. — List of Men in 
Colonel Whitney's Regiment. — Government Storehouses at Sand 
Hill. — Service outside the State. — List of Officers in Sudbury 
Companies in 1776. — List of Men in Capt. Aaron Haynes's 
Company. — Men in Captain Wheeler's Company at Ticonderoga ; 
in Colonel Robinson's Regiment, in Colonel Read's Regiment. — 
Supplementary List. — Soldiers at Ticonderoga in 1770; in Cap- 
tain Wheeler's Company, Captain Craft's Company, Captain Edg- 
ell's Company, Captain Aaron Haynes's Company. — Canada 
Campaign. — New York Campaign. — Men Enlisted for Three 
Years in 1777. — Guard Roll. — Pay Roll. — List of Two Months 
Men in 1777. — List of Three Months Men in 1777. — Names of 
Sudbury Captains and Companies in the Field in 1778. — Captain 
Maynard's Company. — Captain Wheeler's Company. — Captain 
Moulton's Company. — Captain Haynes's Company. — Captain 
Bowker's Company. — Prices Paid for Enlistment in 1780. . 383 



Revolutionary War. — Report of a Committee Appointed by the 
Town to Estimate the Service of Sudbury Soldiers. — Appoint- 
ment of a Committee to Make up and Bring in Muster Rolls of 
the Services of Each Soldier in the War. — Muster Rolls: Cap- 
tain Rice's, Captain Wheeler's, Captain Maynard's, Captain Cut- 
ting's. — Whole Number of Men in the War. — Their Valiant 
Service. — Casualties. — Sketch of Gen. John Nixon. — Town- 
Meetings. — Encouragements to Enlistment. — Specimen of En- 
listment Papers. — Various Requisitions Made on the Town, . 402 



Attention the Town Bestowed on its Home Needs during the War. 
— Specimen Report of a Town-Meeting. — Attitude of the Town 
towards the Measures of Boston Merchants relative to the Re 
duction of Prices. — -Appointment of Delegate to a Convention 
Called for the Purpose of Framing a New Constitution. — Com- 
mittee Appointed to Regulate Prices. — Report of Committee. — 
Vote on the New Constitution. — Educational Matters. — Division 
of the Town. — Committee on a Line of Division. — Committee 
Appointed to Present a Remonstrance to the Court — Instructions 



to the Committee. — Act of the Court Authorizing a Division. — 
Committee Appointed to Make a Division of the Money and Real 
Estate. — Report of the Committee. — Appointment of Other Com- 
mittees. — Financial Report. — Official Boards for 1780 and 1781. — 
Miscellaneous. — Shay's Rebellion. — Erection of Meeting-House. 

— Miscellaneous, 415 



Early Families Residing in Sudbury about the Beginning of the 
Present Century. — Families Who Came into Sudbury during the 
Interval between the Formation of the Town and about the Mid- 
dle of the Present Century. — Biographical Sketches, . . . 432 


Continuation of Old Customs to the Beginning of the Present Cen- 
tury. — Inventory in a Will of 1806. — Extracts from an Old 
Account Book. — Description of Manners and Customs by an Old 
Inhabitant. — Changes in the Early Part of the Nineteenth Cen- 
tury. — Extract from "Fireside Hymns." — Highway Work. — 
North Sudbury Road. — South Sudbury Road. — Rebuilding Wash 
Bridge. — Railing the Causeway. — Setting out Willow Trees. — 
Rebuilding the Canal Bridge. — Miscellaneous. — Educational 
Matters. — Report of School Committee in 1802. — Removal of 
Centre School-House to the Common. — Singing Society. — Church 
Music. — Military Matters. — Patriotic Attitude Assumed by the 
Town. — Money Pledged to Soldiers as Wages. — As Bounty. — 
Patriotic Resolutions. — Militia Officers. — How Chosen. — Where. 

— Specimen of Company Order. — Soldiers in 1812. — Wages per 
D a y_ — Settlement of Rev. Timothy Hilliard. — Ordaining Coun- 
cil, — Dismission. — Bill Allowed for Entertaining the Dismissing 
Council. — Sketch of Mr. Hilliard. — Appointment of a Day of 
Fasting and Prayer Relative to the Settlement of a New Minister. 

— Call Extended to Rev. Rufus Hurlbut. — Accepted.— Death of 
Rev. Jacob Bigelow. — His Annuity. — Money Paid his Widow 
for Service Rendered by the Clergy as a Gift to her. — Funeral 
Expenses. — Sketch of Mr. Bigelow. — Addition to the Church 
during his Ministry — Enlarging the Burying Ground. — Pur- 
chase of a Bier and Hearse. — Formation of "Sudbury Minis- 
terial Land Corporation." — Sale of Ministerial Land. — Report of 

the " Ministerial Fund Corporation," 454 




History of the Sudbury Methodist Episcopal Church. — Members 
of a Baptist Society in Sudbury in 1828. — Town Farm. — Town 
House. — Erection of Tombs. — Ecclesiastical Disturbance. — For- 
mation of a New Parish. — Building of a Meeting-House. — Ded- 
ication of it. — Death of Rev. Rufus Hurlbut. — Sketch of his 
Life. — Settlement of Rev. Josiah Ballard. — The Old Parish. — 
Settlement of Rev. Linus Shaw. — Sketch of his Life. — Succes- 
sion of Pastors. — Miscellaneous, . 472 



Names Applied to different Sections of the Town. — Division into 
Districts. — Change in the Districts. — Description of South 
Sudbury. — Location. — Location of the Railroad Station. — The 
Boston and Worcester Highway. — Houses Situated along this 
Highway half a Century Ago. — Changes in Buildings. — The 
Village Grocery. — Captain Kidder's Shoe Shop. — Sketch of 
Captain Kidder. — Sketch of Mrs. Kidder. — The Mill. — Wads- 
worth Monument. — Industries. — Modern Improvements. — For- 
mer and Present Owners or Occupants of Homesteads. — The 
George Pitts Farm. — Description of Sudbury Centre. — Loca- 
tion. — Oldest House. — Location of Old Buildings. — Noon 
House. — Parsonages. — Old Burying-Ground. — Common. — Gro- 
cery Stores. — Mills. — Former and Present Owners or Occupants 
of Homesteads. — North Sudbury. — Location. — Post Office and 
Postmasters. — Industries. — Iron Ore.— Grocery Stores. — Change 
in Construction of Houses. — Taverns. — Saw-Mill. . . .484 



Description of School Districts. — Lanham District. — Territorial 
Limits. — School-House. — -Old School Customs. — Order of Ex- 
ercises. — Examination Day. — Former Dwellings. — Their Own- 
ers or Occupants. — Clay-Pits. — South-West District. — Origin 
of the Term Peakham. — School-house. — Name of it. — District 
Limits. — Location of Railroad Station. — Places of Historic In- 
terest. — Mills. — Present and Former Owners or Occupants of 


Homesteads. — North-West District. — Location of School-House. 

— Assabet Village. — The " Rice Tavern." — The Oldest House. 

— Early Inhabitants. — North-East or Pantry District. — Territo- 
rial Limits. — Origin of the Name. — Railroad Station. — Pantry 
School-House. — Poetic Description of it. — Mr. Israel Haynes. — 
Incident of his Life. — Block House. — Old Loring Parsonage. — 
The Gravel Pit. — Historic Reminiscences. — Taverns. — School- 
House.— Indian Grave. — Government Store-Houses. — Training- 
Field. — Irregularity of Town Boundary Line. — Cause of it. — 
Caleb Wheeler Farm, 501 



The Wadsworth Monument. — Petition to the Legislature. — Re- 
sponse. — Description of the Monument. — The old Slate Stone. — 
Fac-simile of it. — Dedication of the Monument. — Dismission of 
Rev. Josiah Ballard. — Sketch of his Life. — Ordination of Rev. 
Charles V. Spear. — His Dismission. — Installation of Rev. Eras- 
tus Dickinson. — His Dismission. — Sketch of his Life. — Rev. 
Webster Patterson. — Settlement of Rev. Philander Thurston. — 
His Dismission. — Sketch of Rev. George A. Oviatt. — Rev. 
Calvin Fitts. — Rev. David Goodale. — Rev. Warren Richardson. 

— Deacons. — Donation of Samuel Dana Hunt. — Bequest of 
Miss Emily Thompson. — Gilts from Mrs. Abigail Smith and Miss 
Ruth Carter. — Wadsworth Academy. — Congregational Chapel. — 
Changes in School Districts. — In School-Houses. — Numbering 
the Districts. — The Goodnow Library. — The Building. — The 
Donor. — Incorporation of Maynard. — The Framingham and 
Lowell Railroad. — The Massachusetts Central Railroad. — Mis- 
cellaneous, 514 


The Civil War. — Causes of it. — Warlike Activity at the North. — 
First War Meeting in Sudbury. — The " Wadsworth Rifle Guards." 

— Acts of the Town Relating to the War. — Soldiers' Aid Society. 

— Enlistments. — Sketch of the Thirteenth Regiment. — The 
Sixteenth. — The Eighteenth. — The Twentieth. — The Twenty- 
Sixth.— The Thirty-Fifth.— The Forty-Fifth. — The Fifty-Ninth. 

— Enlistments in other Regiments of Infantry. — Sketch of First 
Massachusetts Cavalry. — Enlistments in other Regiments of 
Cavalry. — - Enlistments in the Artillery Service. — United States 


Sanitary Commission. — List of Conscripts. — Casualties. — Biog- 
graphical Sketches of Men who Died in the Service. — Of Sol- 
diers now Living in Sudbury. — Summary of Service. — List of 
Citizens Subject to a Draft in 1SG3. — Bicentennial of the Wads- 
worth Fight. — Laying out of Road to Railroad Station, South 
Sudbury. — The George Goodnow Bequest, ..... 535 



First Burial Place. — Old Burying-Ground at Sudbury Centre. — 
Mount Wadsworth Cemetery. — Mount Pleasant Cemetery. — New 
Cemetery. — North Sudbury Cemetery. — Burial Customs, . . 568 



Early Names. — Character and Importance. — First Tavern. — Oth- 
ers on the East Side. — Taverns in the South Part of the Town. — 
Description of the South Sudbury Tavern. — '-Howe's Tavern," 
or the "Wayside Inn." — Mr. Longfellow's Connection with it. — 
Location and Early History. — Description. — The Last Land- 
lord. — Traditions Concerning it. — Taverns on the Central Road 
of the Town. — Taverns at North Sudbury, 588 



Early Mention of Physicians. — Biographical Sketch of Dr. Eben- 
ezer Roby. — Ebenezer Roby, 2d. — Ebenezer Roby. 3d. — Josiah 
Langdon. — Moses Taft. — Moses Mossman — Ashbel Kidder. — 
Thomas Stearns. — Levi Goodenough. — Otis O. Johnson. — 
George A. Oviatt, 599 



Early Customs. — Effects of Cider Drinking in North Sudbury. — 
Connection of Taverns with the Liquor Traffic. — Drinking Cus- 
toms in South Sudbury. — Common Use of Malt. — Extract from 
James Thompson's Account Book. — Dawn of Better Times. — 
Pioneers in the Temperance Cause. — Reformatory Measures. — 
Temperance Reform, 605 




List of Graduates before 1800. — Biographical Sketches of College 
Graduates and Professional Men since 1800, .... 612 



Hills. — Forests. — The Flora. — Ponds. — Brooks. — Sudbury River. 

— Its Rise and Course. — Its Fish. — Poetical Description of 
Pickerel Fishing. — Birds about the River. — Poetical Descrip- 
tion of Duck Hunting. — Fur Bearing Animals about the River. 

— Slow Current of the River, 621 



Width of the Meadows. — Former Productiveness. — Litigation and 
Legislation. — Change in Productiveness. — Causes of it.— Natural 
Features at the Present Time. — Grass, 633 

Zoology and Geology, 643 


Public Bequests. — Action of the Town relative to the Publication 
of the History of Sudbury. — Preparations for the Observance of 
the Two Hundred and Fiftieth Anniversary of the Incorporation 
of the Town, 653 

Conclusion, 657 


Rev. Alfred S. Hudson, Frontispiece. 

View of Hop Brook Valley and Nobscot, .... 13 

Jonas S. Hunt, 47 

Map of House-lots, by Draper, 77 

A Portion of Sudbury Centre, 107 

Map of 1708, by Haynes, 125 

The Goodnow Library, South Sudbury, .... 149 

Residence of Joseph C. Howe, 183 

The Browne Garrison House, 199 

The Haynes Garrison House, 225 

Map of 1676, by Hudson, 237 

The Wadsworth Grave, South Sudbury, .... 251 

The Walker Garrison House, 271 

The Loring Parsonage, Sudbury Centre, .... 291 

The Woods, or Allen House, 313 

The Summer Residence of Hon. Homer Rogers, . . 333 
The Common, Unitarian Church, Town House and Meth- 
odist Church, Sudbury Centre, 365 

Residence of Charles P. Willis, 391 

Residence of Samuel B. Rogers, South Sudbury, . . 413 

Map of 1794, by Mossman, 429 

Residence of Richard R. Horr, South Sudbury, . . 445 

The Bigelow Parsonage, Sudbury Centre, .... 471 

The Hurlbut Parsonage, Sudbury Centre, . . . 481 

Mill Village (South Sudbury), 487 


The Residence of Nahum Goodnow, 505 

Rev. Josiah Ballard, 523 

The Wadsworth Academy, South Sudrury, . . . 527 

The Wadsworth Monument, South Sudbury, . . . 555 

The Wayside Inn, 593 

Residence of Nichols B. Hunt, South Sudbury, . . G05 

The Residence of Hon. C. F. Gerry, Sudbury Centre, . 615 

Residence of George E. Harrington, 643 



Early Condition of the Country. — Original Boundaries. — Indian 
Names. — Primitive Forests. — Laws concerning Timber. — Clear 
ings. — Game. — Johnson's Description. — Meaning of " Meadow 
Lands." — "Old Connecticut Path." — Indian Trails. 

'Tis like a dream when one awakes, — 

This vision of the scenes of old; 
'Tis like the moon when morning breaks, 

'Tis like a tale round watch-fires told. 


The town of Sudbury was settled in 1638, and received its 
name in 1639. It was the nineteenth town in the Massachu- 
setts Bay Colony, and the second situated beyond the flow of 
the tide. Originally it was bounded on the east by that part 
of Watertown which is now Weston, on the north by Con- 
cord, and southerly and westerly by the wilderness, or the 
unclaimed lands of the Colony. Up to the year 1637 there 
was no white man's trail through the length or breadth of 
this land tract. The smoke of no settler's cabin curled 
upward through the tree-tops of its far-stretching forests, 
and it was only the home of the Indian and the haunt of 
wild beasts and birds. 

The Indian name of the river and country adjacent on the 
north was Musketaquid, or Musketahquid, and it is presuma- 


ble that the same name was applied to this region. Mus- 
ketahquid is supposed to be made up of two Indian 
words, muskeht, meaning "grass," and ahkeit, which signifies 
"ground," the whole signifying "grassy ground;" and if 
applied to the river, "grassy brook," or "meadow brook." 
The name formed by these words, it is stated, as nearly 
resembles Musketahqnid as the Indian dialect will allow. 
(Shattuck.) As the same stream runs through Concord and 
Sudbury, and the meadows in these places are equally green 
and broad, it is not by any means unlikely that the same 
term was applied to each place and the river as it runs 
through them both. This is rendered still more probable by 
the fact that Karte, the Indian owner of the land first granted 
at Sudbury, was also an owner, with others of the territory 
at Concord ; as the Colony records inform us that Karte, with 
Tahattawan, the sachem of that place, with some others, 
consented to the sale of territory to the English in 1637. 
(See Chapter II.) As Karte lived in the territory that is 
now Sudbury, and his wigwam was not far from the river, it 
is presumable that he would call the stream as it flowed near 
his home by the same name that it was known by as it flowed 
through his domains a few miles farther north. Moreover, it 
is not to be supposed that the Sudbuiy Indians had no name 
for their river. 

Probably the first Englishman who made a record of this 
word was William Wood, in a work entitled " New England 
Prospects." Mr. Wood, it is supposed, came to this country 
about 1633; that he then visited the Mnsketahquid region, 
and was so charmed with its resources and scenery that, by 
representations of it on his return to England, plans were 
formed for a settlement at Concord. However this may be, 
he first made a record of this Indian name of the river and 
the adjacent country, and that before any town boundaries 
could have limited its application or made local the name of 
this old natural landmark. 

The country about Sudbury at the time of its settlement 
was largely covered with heavy timber. That tar making 
was, to an extent, an early occupation indicates that these 
trees were, many of them, pines. But probably not one of 


them now remains ; the rapid growth and early decay of these 
trees, and their fitness for building purposes, causing them 
to disappear long since. A solitary pasture oak, left here 
and there for a landmark or serviceable shade, is about all 
that remains of those old monarchs of the wood. 

But, notwithstanding there was formerly so much timber 
land, we are not to suppose the country was one unbroken 
forest; on the contrary, it was interspersed with clearings; 
and the fact that in those first years the town was choice of 
its timber, and passed stringent laws concerning it, indicates 
that these clearings were considerable. The following are 
some of the laws. In 1645 Edmund Goodnow was appointed 
to look after the timber on the common, and liberty was 
given him to designate what timber should be taken; and 
" it was ordered, that, if any one took any without his leave, 
they were to forfeit nineteen pence a tree." 

In 1646, "Ordered, that no oak timber shall be fallen with- 
out leave from those that are appointed by the town to give 
leave to fell timber, that shall hew above eighteen inches at 
the butt end " 

Also, " That no man that hath timber of his own to supply 
his want shall have any timber granted upon the common." 

In 1647, " It was ordered that the people should have tim- 
ber for that year to supply their wants, for every two shill- 
ings that they paid the ministry, one tree." 

On different occasions persons were permitted to take the 
town's timber as an encouragement to business, as when a 
blacksmith was allowed so much as was necessary to build a 
shop, on condition he would set up his trade in town. 

In 1664 "timber was granted to Elias Reives for his build- 
ing, and also timber and hoop poles for carrying on his coop- 
er's trade, in case he would live in Sudbury six years, and 
honestly and carefully do the town of Sudbury's cooper work 
the said six years, both for making and trimming casks at 
such honest rates as they are made and trimmed for at the 
bay of Boston." 

The cleared spaces were occasioned by both natural and 
artificial causes. The Indians, by setting fires, cleared places 
for their planting grounds and sunny spots for their homes. 


The natural openings were the broad, beautiful meadows on 
the river and brooks. 

A remarkable feature of these forests was their freedom 
from underbrush. The early settlers could traverse large 
portions of them on horseback and meet with few obstacles, 
except the streams and swamps. In places the forests were 
kept clear by means of the annual fires which the Indians 
set to facilitate transit and the capture of game. These fires 
were set in the autumn, after the equinoctial storm, that 
they might burn with less intensity and be more easily con- 
trolled. Afterwards the Colonial Court enacted laws regard- 
ing forest fires. It was ordered that " whoever kindles fires 
in the woods before March 10 or after April 2, or on the last 
day of the week or Lord's day, shall pay any damages that 
any person shall lose thereby, and half so much to the com- 
mon treasury." 

The country afforded fine ranges for wild animals, and was 
well stocked with game, which made it an attractive hunting 
ground for the Indians. (See Chapter II.) Deer reeves 
were annually chosen by the town for years after the settle- 
ment, and wolves were considered such a pest that a bounty 
was set upon them. Prior to 1646 ten shillings were offered 
apiece for them ; and repeatedly were laws enacted for the 
destruction of these forest marauders. Bears found favorite 
resorts among the highlands of Nobscot and Goodman's Hill, 
and tradition informs us that within about a century one has 
been killed at Green Hill. Beaver pelts were an article of 
merchandise through a large part of the Musketahquid 
country. Wild fowl were abundant. Turke} r s strutted with 
stately tread in the lowlands by the meadow margins, and 
large flocks of water fowl frequented the streams and made 
their nests on their sedgy borders. Pigeons were plentiful, 
and grouse enlivened the shrubbery of the numerous swamps. 
The supply of fish was ample, including salmon, alewives, 
shad and dace. 

The following is a description of the place as given by 
Johnson, a writer of 1654, in a book entitled " Wonder- 
Working Providence:" "This town is very well watered, 
and hath store of plow-land; but by reason of the oaken roots 


they have little broke up, considering the many Acres the 
place affords ; but this kinde of land requires great strength to 
break up, yet brings very good crops, and lasts long without 
mending. . . . The place is furnished with great plenty of 
fresh marsh, but, it lying very low, is much indamaged with 
land floods, insomuch that when the summer proves wet they 
lose part of their hay ; yet they are so sufficiently provided 
that they take in cattel of other towns to winter." 

In those early times meadow land had a meaning a little 
unlike that which it now has. The term, at least in places, 
was used to designate mowing land of whatever description, 
after the manner of its significance in England. This distinc- 
tion may have been made here by the early writer just quoted. 
The marsh he refers to is doubtless the meadow on the so- 
called Great River, and the meadows those tracts by the 
higher banks of the brooks and those found in natural forest 
openings, or wherever the grass land abounded. 

Before the Plantation of Sudbury was commenced, there 
passed through the southeasterly corner of its territory a 
memorable trail. This was a part of the " Old Connecticut 
Path." This highway extended from the sea-board settle- 
ments far into the interior. From Watertown it passed 
through what is now Waltham and Weston to that section 
of Sudbury now Way land ; from thence southwesterly to the 
north side of Cochituate Pond, and on through the wilder- 
ness towards Connecticut. It is, we believe, the road now 
traveled from Weston Corner, by the "Five Paths," Way- 
land, to Framingham. Mention is made of this wa\ in the 
town records as early as 1643, and again in 1648. Where it 
passed through the town it was called "the road from Water- 
town to the Dunster Farm," a tract of six hundred acres granted 
in 1640 to President Dunster of Harvard College, bounded on 
the west by Cochituate Pond, and early leased by Edmund 
Rice of Sudbury. This trail was first made known to the 
English by some Nipnet Indians, who came to Boston bring- 
ing corn at a time when there was a scarcity of it in the col- 
ony. From this time for years it was the way travelled by 
the English in their journeyings to the Connecticut valley. 
In 1633 John Oldham and several others journeyed by it to 


the westward, in search of a settlement. In 1635 some 
inhabitants of Watertown took this way as they travelled to 
Wethersfield, Conn., where a large part of them settled. A 
year later the ministers Hooker and Stone, with about a hun- 
dred others and their families, took this path in their emigra- 
tion to Hartford. 

Thus through a portion of Sudbury passed an old and 
historic road, which is interesting because of the things now 
mentioned. But other associations also may cluster about 
it. Because of this path, perhaps, the plantation at Sudbury 
was started. This supposition is favored by various circum- 
stances. The Watertown people, as they journeyed to Con- 
necticut, may have been pleased with the country along this 
part of the way, and as some of them returned to Water- 
town, at which place a plantation at Sudbury was afterwards 
planned, favorable reports may have been rendered concern- 
ing it. 

It was easy to obtain a view of it from the top of Reeves's 
Hill, along which their path led, and it is not at all improba- 
ble that more than one traveler ascended that sightly emi- 
nence, and from it obtained a broad view of the Musketahquid 
and its adjacent meadows. The slow-winding stream, as it 
flashed afar in the sunlight, and the wood-covered hills that 
extended beyond, together with the proximity of such a 
desirable spot to their Watertown home and the sea-board 
towns, may have led to the plan of its early settlement. 
Favorable to this conjecture is the fact that the Watertown 
people petitioned for the land soon after the return of the 
emigrants. But whether or not emigration through the place 
by this path suggested or originated the settlement, it must 
have aided it when once begun, and promoted exploration in 
that locality. 

A trail so near what was to be the first. street of Sudbury 
would be quite helpful in the conveyance of the various com- 
modities that were essential in starting a settlement. The 
planters journeying from Watertown could follow this well- 
worn way almost to the spot assigned for their house-lots 
where they erected their cabin homes. 

Besides this path from the sea-coast to the Nipnet country, 


other trails doubtless led through the place, which were used 
by the Indians, and which afterwards ma} r have become trav- 
eled roads. As the town afforded favorite fishing resorts, 
there were doubtless paths from various quarters leading to 
them. There were doubtless such to the fishing weir and 
fording place in the town's northerly part, and to the rocky 
falls of the Sudbury River at the south. Karte probably had 
a path from his hill-top home to the lodge of Tahattawan 
at Concord. The old pasture path at Nobscot, which still 
winds along the northern hill-slope by the spring and the 
Nixon farm, was perhaps the well-known way of Tantamous 
as he visited the wigwam of JCarte at Goodman's hill, or 
attended the preaching of John Eliot at Natick^ or with a 
pack of candle or light -wood upon, his back, went with 
spear or net to the Musketahquid to fish. Tims the country 
of Sudbury at the time of its settlement was, perhaps, more 
than ordinarily broken by paths ; and its timber lands, rich 
pasturage, and facilities for the capture of game and fish, 
made it attractive to both the Indians and the English. 


Indians of Sudbury Territory. — Relics. — Localities where they Lived: 
at Nobscot, the Vicinity of the River, Weir Hill, Cochituate — 
Names and History of Prominent Indians: Karte, Tantamous, 
Nataous. — Description of Wigwams. — Food. — Characteristics. — 
Method of Hunting and Fishing. — Tribal Relations. — Nature of 
their Early Intercourse with the English. 

Chief, sachem, sage, bards, heroes, seers, 

That live in story and in song, 
Time, for the last two hundred years, 

Has raised, and shown, and swept along. 


There is no evidence that many Indians lived in Sudbury 
at the time of its settlement by the English. But few of their 
names have been found on the town records, and compara- 
tively little is there mentioned of business transactions be- 
tween the natives and whites. About the beginning of the 
seventeenth centuiy, a great pestilence prevailed among the 
Indians in the vicinity of Massachusetts Bay, and it is not 
improbable that it affected the population of Sudbury. This 
pestilence or plague was in places severe. It is stated that 
the New England Indians, before its outbreak, could muster 
about eighteen thousand warriors, but were reduced by it to 
about eighteen hundred. Thousands of Indians died in the 
country along the south shore. The Pilgrim fathers were 
informed of the sad ravages of this dreadful disease by 
Squanto, an early visitor among them. It is stated that 
Obbatinawat, a sachem living at Shawmut, now Boston, 
treated the English very kindly, and was glad to submit him- 
self to King James, that he might find protection from his 
enemies, as his once powerful tribe was reduced by the pes- 
tilence of 1616. 


Beside this sickness, there was another that raged a little 
later. This was the small-pox scourge, which prevailed dur- 
ing the winter of 1633. Drake says of the fatality of it, 
that " The Indians died by scores and hundreds ; so fast, 
indeed, that the services of the white men were called into 
requisition to give them burial." He says the pestilence was 
not confined to a single locality, but swept with destructive 
effect through all the sea-board nations. The Narragansetts 
were reported to have lost seven hundred men, and the war- 
like Pequots an unknown number. If such was the fatality 
of these diseases along the Massachusetts Bay shores, it is 
not unlikely that it extended as far inland as Sudbury, and 
if so, that it thinned out the inhabitants. The supposition 
that this was the case is strengthened by the absence, in the 
records, of many Indian names of places. Few of these names 
suggest that there were few people to speak them, or to pass 
them along to the race that next possessed the land. There 
are but few places in Sudbury whose names are suggestive of 
the murmuring woods or the rippling streams. They are 
more of English than of Indian origin. The name of Nob- 
scot is still the reminder of a race that has passed away. 
Cochituate Lake and the highlands about it, places once near 
the town's southeasterly limits, have a name unmistakably 
Indian. Assabet or Assabeth, the name of a stream running 
through Maynard, a place once a part of the town, savors in 
sound of the Indian dialect ; yet the origin of this term has 
been a matter of doubt, as it has been spelled Assabeth, Eliz- 
beth, Elzebet and Elizebeth. Even the name of Karte, who 
once owned a large part of the town's territory, has been 
spelled and pronounced Cato, and the place of his abode 
called Goodman's Hill, with all its prosaic simplicity. The 
" Great River," as the town's principal stream was once 
called, now bears no name suggestive of its natural features ; 
of meadows green with their grassy covering, outstretching 
to forest and flowery bank, or winding along its swampy out- 
skirts, where the vine and berry bush produce their rich, 
plentiful fruit; but it is now known as plain "Sudbury 

But although no distinct tribe is known to have existed in 


the territory when it was settled, and the evidence is that the 
town was not largely occupied by Indians, it is nevertheless 
probable that at some period they were considerably numer- 
ous. That this may be so is indicated by various circum- 
stances. First, the natural features were such as would 
invite them to it, and induce them to remain. There was 
the hill, valley and plain, just suited for corn lands or fine 
ranges for game, while the streams and ponds had supplies 
of fish. It is doubtful if there is a town about it where more 
advantages meet to make the Indian life easy than here. 
The natives depended largely for subsistence upon maize, 
game and fish ; hence good land, easily worked and in close 
proximity to places where they could take game and fish, were 
the conditions of Indian comfort. That these natural advan- 
tages were once improved by the Indians is evident from the 
number of relics which have been found in various localities. 
These consist of arrow and spear heads ; stone plummets ; 
chisels and gouges; mortars and pestles, implements for 
pounding and crushing corn ; stone tomahawks or hatchets; 
and what may have been the stone kettle. Beside these, 
there have been unearthed by the plowshare small stones, 
that show the probable action of heat, and which may have 
been used for their hearthstones, or to form rude ovens for 
the purpose of cooking. Where these stones are found under 
circumstances favorable to the supposition, they indicate the 
former existence of a wigwam or cluster of wigwams. The 
favorable circumstances are the neighborhood of a fishing or 
fording place, or the common conveniences of a life in the 
woods. These wigwams were more or less on dry, sandy 
spots, such as are in the present wind-swept, and sparsely 
covered with grass. Such places were probably selected as 
natural forest openings, where, because of the light, sandy 
soil, the wood growth would likely be small, and where the 
rays of the winter sun would more easily penetrate, to give 
light and heat. When in such places various relics are found, 
it is highly probable that there may have been situated an 
Indian ^welling-place. 

In several such spots in Sudbury, various relics have been 
found, notable among which is one by the river meadow, just 


east of the Jonathan Wheeler place. It is between the 
meadow margin and the Water Row road, and has an area 
of one or two acres. It is a light, sandy upland, in places, 
almost or quite without sod. Arrow-heads and plummets 
have been found there in abundance, and of a kind of stone 
unlike any native to the neighborhood. These relics have 
not only been unearthed there by the plow or spade, but 
some have been uncovered by the wind. Another place 
where relics have been found in abundance is on the Cool- 
idge estate, by the Lanham Meadows, a little south of the 
East Sudbury depot. This spot is also of a light, sandy soil, 
and has a sand pit within it. A little farther north in this 
district, on the Frank Walker estate, arrow-heads and parts 
of a mortar or stone kettle were found ; while southerly of 
Lanham Brook, on the Albert Larkin estate, on an upland 
some rods west of the house, arrow-heads have been quite 

Another place worthy of mention is at South Sudbury, on 
the east side of Mill Brook, on what was lately the farm of 
Israel How Brown. The spot is a little southeasterly of a 
rock by the brook called " Great Rock," and midway between 
that and the Goodnow Library. On this place, which is a 
light, loamy upland, within the space of a few rods have been 
plowed up quite a quantity of loose, discolored stones, that 
look as if they had been subjected to the action of fire, and 
also coal and charred pieces of wood. The nature of the 
place at South Sudbury is such as would be favorable to 
Indian occupation. Before the mill was erected there was 
probably quite a fall to Hop Brook, and for some distance the 
shoal, sparkling stream might form a fine fishing place in the 
season of the alewives or shad. 

In the west part of the town, at a sandy spot between the 
Solomon Dutton and Otis Parmenter places, Indian relics 
have also been extensively found. 

At North Sudbury there were likewise indications of the 
presence of these former inhabitants. Says Mr. John May- 
nard, " I have found on my land, east of Cedar Swamp, a 
stone axe, part of a tomahawk, a gouge, chisel, flaying knife, 
and other strange things ; also about four hundred arrow- 


heads, one-half of them broken. I have plowed over seven 
or eight collections of paving stones that were discolored 
by fire, that I suppose were the hearthstones of Indian wig- 

There are some parts of the town which we will especially 
notice as being places that were perhaps occupied by the 
Indians in considerable companies. These are the neighbor- 
hood of Nobscot, the River, Weir Hill, and Cochituate Pond. 
In the vicinity of Nobscot there is little doubt but that Indi- 
ans once made their homes ; as tradition, record and relics 
give evidence of it. As we shall notice further on, a noted 
Indian by the name of Jethro had a wigwam near there, and 
it is supposed the Indians had a lookout there. At the base 
of the hill, along the plain land, on the estate of Hubbard 
Brown, by the brook, and also on the land south of the Fra- 
mingham road, more or less stone relics have been discovered. 
The old " Indian wash-bowl," so called, is pointed out in a 
field about east of the hill. This is an excavation shaped 
like a wash-bowl, formed in a large rock, and may have been 
made by nature or art. Probably it was never used as a 
washing place by the Indians, but, if made or used by them 
at all, it may have been for grinding corn. 

That the Indians largely frequented the neighborhood of 
the river is quite evident. They probably lived along almost 
its whole course, as relics of them have been found here and 
there from one bound of the town to the other. On the east 
side of the river was an Indian burial place. (See chapter on 
cemeteries.) An Indian skeleton has been exhumed by the 
roadside at Sand Hill. This was discovered when the road 
was built, by a person who was passing by. He drew it 
from the bank, together with several Indian relics. The 
"old Indian bridge " was supposed to be southerly of Sand 
Hill, over West Brook, and formed a crossing in the direc- 
tion of Heard's Pond. The home of Karte was not far from 
the river. From his wigwam home on the hill, he could 
easily reach the mooring place of his birch canoe, or look 
down, upon the expanse of broad meadow lands, green with 
their covering in Summer, or brown with the frosts of Fall. 
He could watch the early flight of wild water fowl, or per- 


haps catch a glimpse of the canoe of Tahatawan as it glided 
up the Musketahquid. 

But the places where it is supposed the Indians were more 
numerous than at any other point along the river were toward 
the town's northeast bound. Near this point were fording 
and fishing places. One of these was at Weir Hill, below 
Sherman's Bridge. The very locality of this place is favora- 
ble for Indian occupancy. It is situated at a point of the 
river where, as we have been informed, at low water the 
river can be forded. On its opposite bank a hill extends 
almost to the stream, and on either side the meadow bank is 
hard, which is a circumstance rare on the river course. At 
this place tradition says there was an Indian fishing weir, 
which old inhabitants state was about northeast of Weir 
Hill ; and from this the hill has derived its name. The fish- 
ing weir was an important thing for the Indians, as by means 
of it large quantities of fish could be taken. The principle 
of construction was the placing across the river of an obstruc- 
tion, as perhaps some kind of a fence, which, running diag- 
onally from either bank to the centre of the stream, left a 
small aperture at the apex, where the fish could be taken in 
a wicket work or net. Such an apparatus, at a favorable 
place on the river, would supply fish for a considerable vil- 
lage. These fish served not only a present purpose, but were 
dried and preserved for future use. Another inducement for 
Indians to locate in this part of the town was a good fording 
place just below Weir Hill, which is at or near a small hill 
called Mount Headley, and is between the river and the 
county road. That this locality was improved by the Indians 
is evident from the quantities of relics that have been found 
there. Both about here and at Weir Hill more or less of 
these have been picked up ; and, at the latter place, their 
hearthstones have been unearthed by the plowshare, with the 
coals still upon them. 

As has been stated, there are indications that the Indians 
once dwelt in considerable numbers about Cochituate Pond. 
The region about there was favorable to Indian occupation, 
not only on account of the lake itself, but because of its near- 
ness to the falls of Sudbury River (Saxonville). The name 


of the locality has been spelled Wachittuate, Cochituet, 
Chochichawicke, Coijchawicke, Catchchauitt, Charchittawick, 
Katchetuit, Cochichawauke, Cochichowicke. The word as 
now spelled is found in a record dated 1644, in connection 
with laying out the Glover farm. " The southwest bounds 
are the little river that issueth out of the Great Pond at 
Cochituate.' 1 '' This record, as well as others, also shows that 
originally the term was applied, not to the pond, but to the 
region near the outlet. Temple states that the word signi- 
fies, "place of the rushing torrent," or, " Avild dashing brook." 
On the westerly side of the pond was an Indian fort, and, 
near by, a permanent settlement. 

Not very much is known, at most, of the Indians who lived 
in Sudbury at the time of its settlement; but a few facts are' 
on record concerning some of them. 

Karte was owner of the first land tract which was sold to the 
Sudbury settlers. His home at one time was at Goodman's 
Hill, — sometimes called Wigwam Hill, — but where he lived 
in his last years is unknown. That he was a man of some 
prominence in and about the town is probable, not only from 
the amount of his landed possessions there, but from his asso- 
ciation with certain rulers or sagamores at the sale of a weir 
and planting grounds at Concord. Of this transaction the 
following account is found in the Colony Records : — 

"5th, 6mo., 1637. — Wibbacowett; Squaw Sachem ; Natan- 
quatick, alias Old Man ; Carte, alias Goodmand ; did express 
their consent to the sale of the Weirs at Concord, over 
against the town : and all the planting ground which hath 
been formerly planted by the Indians, to the inhabitants of 
Concord ; of which there was a writing, with their marks 
subscribed, given into court expressing the price." 

It is said that he was an attendant upon the ministry of 
Rev. Edmund Brown, first minister of Sudbury; and that by 
his preaching he was converted to the Christian religion. 

Another Indian of some notoriety was Tantamous, who 
was also called Jethro. He had a son called Peter Jethro. 
On an old surve} r is " Peter Jethro 's field," near Nobscot 
Hill, where Jethro lived. This field was upon a farm once 
in the possession of Mr. Ezekiel How. According to Drake, 


Tantamous lived at Nobscot Hill at the beginning of King 
Philip's war, and there were about twelve persons in his 
family. He was present with Waban of Natick, and some 
other natives, at the sale of the territory which is now the 
town of Concord. When about seventy years old, he made 
a deposition about the transaction, and in connection with 
that deposition is spoken of as a Christian Indian of Natick. 
In 1674, Tantamous was appointed missionary to the Indians 
at Weshakim (Sterling), but remained there for a short time 
only. Mr. Gookin speaks of him as a "grave and pious 
Indian," and says he was sent to be a teacher at a place near 
Lancaster. In 1675, while Tantamous was living at Nobscot 
with his family, he was ordered by the Colony to Deer 
Island, Boston Harbor, for security. Resenting the ill usage 
that was received from those conducting them there, Jethro 
and his family escaped in the darkness of night. He was 
betrayed, however, by his son, Peter Jethro, into the hands 
of the English, by whom, according to Hubbard, he was exe- 
cuted, Sept. 26, 1676. 

Peter Jethro, or Jethro the Younger, who was perhaps 
also called Ammatohu (as this term was applied to one of 
the Jethros), was connected with several real estate matters. 
He was among the Indians who conveyed to John Haynes 
and others thirty-two hundred acres of land east of "Quin- 
sigamoge Pond," in Worcester. In 1684, he was among the 
Indian grantors of the two-mile tract which was granted to 
the Sudbury settlers, and laid out on the town's westerly side. 
In 1683, Peter Jethro lived at Dunstable, with Mr. Jonathan 
Ting ; and in consideration of this man's kindness, as shown 
to himself and his uncle, Jethro gave Mr. Tiug a tract of 
land six miles square at Machapoag, north of Wachusett 
Mountain and west of Groton, which he had obtained from 
his uncle Jeffy. 

Still another Indian of some prominence was Nataous. He 
was also called William of Sudbury. "Indian William's 
Meadow " is mentioned in the Colony Records as early as 
1658. Rev. Edward Brown was to have " one small parcell 
of three acres formerly called ' Indian William's Meadow,' 
lying toward the falls of Cochittuat River." It is stated that 


in 1662, he lived at Nipnax Hill, a place about three miles 
north of the plantation at Natick, perhaps Reeves' Hill. 
Hubbard speaks of him as being " very familiar with the 
whites." Gookin states that he was among the "good men 
and prudent " who were rulers at Natick. He was desig- 
nated also as the Nipmuck Captain, and was called, in the 
Colony Records, Netus; and by this name he was known in 
some of the sad scenes of his subsequent life. This Indian, 
whose beginning as a Christian was so bright, and who left 
on record a religious confession, did sad work in Framinjrham, 
b} r leading, near the outset of Philip's war, a party who 
destroyed the house of Mr. Thomas Eaines, a former resident 
of Sudbury. 

In 1668, Mr. Thomas Eames leased the " Pelham Farm " 
(in Wayland), and it was ordered, that during his lease of 
the place he should "pay to the minister fore pound (for) a 
man and 20sh. to every £20 rate." Mr. Eames subsequently 
moved to Framingham, and made his home near Mt. Waite, 
in the southerly part of that town. When absent on a jour- 
ney to Boston for a stock of ammunition, a party of Indians, 
Feb. 1, 1676, burned his dwelling-house and barn, and killed 
or carried away captive his family. We may not know all 
the circumstances that led to this act, but it is supposed that 
some of them were of an aggravating character. 

English distrust had doubtless led to Indian suspicion. 
The removal of certain parties from their homes to Deer 
Island might not have been understood. Besides this, it is 
said these Indians had been to Maguncook, an Indian station 
near b} 7 , and, on finding that corn had been removed from 
their granaries, they started out, partly for food and partly 
for revenge, toward the nearest English settlement. Netus, 
or Nataous, from this time probably joined the hostile tribes, 
and made common cause with King Philip. We hear of 
him afterwards near Sudbury, with a war party which was 
attacked in the night, March 27, 1676, by a party of English 
from Sudbury and from the garrison at Marlboro. (See 
chapter on Philip's War.) In that night encounter Netus 
was slain, with several others of the enemy, while the} 7 were 
asleep about their camp-fire. Thus sad were the closing 


scenes in the history of Tantamous and Netus, these illustri- 
ous sons of the forest. 

The following- are Indian names that have been preserved 
in documents concerning real estate transactions in Sud- 
bury: Jehojakim, Magos, Muskqua, Musquamog, Wenneto, 

That no more Indian names are found in the records is no 
evidence that other Indians did not inhabit the town at the 
time of its settlement. Those whose names are recorded 
were landed proprietors, and so connected with real estate 
transactions ; but others of humble condition, and possessed 
of nothing but a few utensils for the wigwam and chase, may 
have ranged through the valley and over the hills. 

Beside the Indians whose abode was in Sudbury, it is also 
probable that Indians from neighboring hamlets or clans made 
use of the town's hunting grounds, and were more or less 
residents of them. On the north, east, and west were Indian 
villages of considerable importance. At Natick they were 
gathered in Christian relations by John Eliot, the apostle of 
the Indians. At Concord were Tahattawan's subjects, and 
at Nashoba, now Littleton, there was a praying band of 
Indians. On the west, at Whipsuffrage, now Marlboro, 
other Indians were gathered in friendly relations ; while at 
Magunkaquog, or Maguncook, a place in Ashland, there was 
also another station which had been established by Mr. 

It is hardly supposable that, when so many Indians lived 
in the surrounding localities, they did not from time to time 
traverse the town, and resort to it for fishing and hunting, so 
that, if the native inhabitants were few, the place might yet 
be considerably occupied. It should furthermore be consid- 
ered that one Indian householder might have a numerous 
family. An Indian wigwam, as will be farther observed, 
sometimes had capacity for several residents. It is said that 
a dozen Indians lived at Jethro's house at Nobscot. Karte's 
wigwam, at Goodman's Hill, may not have been the home of 
a single inhabitant, but a numerous family may have been 
about him. His wigwam may have sheltered several families. 
About the hill may have resounded many a merry voice at 


the coming of the early green corn, or the gathering in of 
berries or nuts, or when the alewife or shad returned in the 
spring; or at the fall migration of birds, when the whistle of 
the wild water fowl's wing was heard, and the pigeons made 
their way over the plains. 

Tims merry may have been the places where even a single 
wigwam stood ; and in those silent, now far-away times, there 
may have been more of liveliness connected with aboriginal 
life than we are wont to suppose. The inmates of wigwams 
or villages may have had more or less intercourse in a neigh- 
bor-like way, — Nataous visiting the residence of Karte, and 
Karte calling on Tantamous. Tahattawan or his people may 
have often passed through Sudbury from Concord to visit 
John Eliot at Natick, and more than one may have been the 
rough wilderness paths they trod on errands of toil or friendly 
intercourse. So that the town, if not very populous, may 
have been far from a desolate or lonely place. 

The character and habits of the Indians about Sudbury 
were naturally in common with those of others in the near 
vicinity. Probably no authority on this subject is more reli- 
able than that of Mr. Gookin. He was associated with Mr. 
Eliot in his labors, and was conversant with the mission sta- 
tions in the vicinity of the town. From him we learn the 
following about the customs, houses and food of the abo- 
rigines in this part of the country. The houses were called 
" wigwams," and were made by placing poles in the ground, 
and fastening them together at the top by the bark of trees. 
The best of these structures were covered neatly, and made 
quite warm by strips of bark placed upon them. The bark 
used for this purpose was stripped from the trees when the 
sap was up, and made into great flakes by the pressure of 
weighty timbers. By thus securing and using them when 
green, the flakes when dry retained the form to which they 
were fitted. The more meanly made wigwams were covered 
over with mats made of bulrushes. The Indian houses varied 
considerably in size ; some were twenty, some forty feet long. 
Says Gookin, " I have seen one fifty or a hundred feet long, 
and thirty feet broad." 


We are informed by Mrs. Rowlandson (see chapter on 
Philip's War) that, after the Wadsworth fight, the Indians 
made a wigwam sufficiently large to contain an hundred men 
as a place in which to celebrate their victory. These wig- 
wams were kept warm by a fire or fires made within. In 
the smaller dwelling one fire was made in the centre ; in the 
larger, two, three or four were sometimes made. A door was 
formed by a mat hung at the entrance, to be raised as the 
person entered, and dropped when he was within. Thus 
there may have been more of warmth and comfort in these 
rude forest homes than some are wont to suppose. Says 
Gookin, " I have often lodged in these wigwams, and found 
them as warm as the best English houses." In the wisrwam 
was a sort of mattress or couch, raised about a foot high. 
This was covered with boards split from trees, upon which 
were placed mats or skins of the bear or deer. These 
couches were large enough for three or four persons to sleep 
on. They were six or eight feet broad, and could be drawn 
nearer to or further from the fire, as one chose. 

The food of the Indian, to an extent, consisted of game, — 
the streams furnishing an abundance of fish, and the forests a 
supply of game. Such a diet would be most easily obtained, 
and the methods of obtaining it most in accord with the Indi- 
an's wild nature and life. But this food was by no means all. 
Says Gookin, it consisted chiefly of Indian corn boiled. Some- 
times they mixed beans with their corn, and frequently they 
boiled in their pottage fish and flesh of all sorts, either fresh 
or dry. Bones also were cut in pieces and used ; but, says 
our authority, "they are so dextrous in separating the bones 
from the fish when eating that they are never in danger of 
being choked." They also mixed with their pottage various 
kinds of roots, ground nuts, pompions (pumpkins), squashes, 
acorns, walnuts and chestnuts, dried and powdered. Some- 
times they beat their maize into meal, and sifted it through a 
basket made for that purpose. With this meal they made 
bread, which they baked in the ashes, after covering it with 
leaves. They also made of this maize meal what was called 
" Nokake," which it was said was sweet, toothsome and 


hearty, — so much so that when the Indian was going on a 
journey, he would often take with him no food but a bag or 
basket of this. 

The corn was planted in places perhaps first cleared by 
fire. It was planted when the oak-leaf was about the size 
of a mouse's ear, and fertilized by a fish placed in the hill. 
Gookin states that the Indian was given much to hospitality, 
and that strangers were given their best lodging and diet. 
Their religion consisted in the belief in a Good Spirit called 
Kiton, and a Bad Spirit called Hobbammoc, and in a happy 
hunting ground beyond the grave. They had their pow- 
wows and medicine men who served the place of a rude 
priesthood among them, and they conformed .to various cus- 
toms which corresponded to their wild ways of life. Some 
of these customs, as well as some of the coarse phases of 
Indian character, are indicated by the following orders drawn 
up and agreed upon at Concord, and as set forth by Rev. 
Thomas Shepherd, an early minister at Cambridge. 

These " conclusions and orders made and agreed upon by 
divers sachems and other principal men amongst the Indians 
at Concord in the end of the eleventh month (called Janu- 
ary), An. 1646." 

"2. That there shall be no more Powwowing amongst the 
Indians. And if any shall hereafter powwow, both he that 
shall powwow, and he that shall procure them to powwow, 
shall pay twenty shillings apiece." 

•' 6. That they may be brought to the sight of the sinne 
of lying." 

" 8. They desire that no Indian hereafter shall have any 
more but one wife." 

"16. They intend to reform themselves in their former 

" 20. Whosoever shall play at their former games shall 
pay ten shillings." 

" 23. They shall not disguise themselves at their mourn- 
ing as formerly, nor shall they keep a great noyse by howl- 
ing." (Shattuck's History of Concord.) 

Johnson speaks of them as " being in very great subjection 
to the Divel," and the powwows as being " more conversant 


with him than any others." But to the great glory of the 
religion of Christ, it is said these notions were corrected 
wherever civilization and Christianity were introduced. The 
money or medium of exchange was wampumpage. 

In the capture of game the methods were various. Fish 
was taken both with the hook and spear. In the migrations 
of the alewife and shad, the birch-bark canoes, torch and 
spear, were probably effective means in the catch. The 
canoes were sometimes forty feet long, says Gookin, and 
would carry twenty men. The larger animals were perhaps 
sometimes caught by the pitfall, a place dug in the ground, 
and covered lightly with sticks and leaves, through which 
the game when passing would fall ; sometimes by a forest 
drive, by which means a portion of countiy was traversed by 
a company of men deployed at short distances, who moved 
towards a given point, where was a partial enclosure, through 
which the animals were forced to pass ; at the place of exit, 
hunters were stationed to dispatch the game as it strove to 
make its way through. 

Part of the Indians living in Sudbury, when its territory 
was transferred to the English, belonged, as it is supposed, to 
the Massachusetts Indians who lived about Massachusetts Bay, 
and the remainder to the Nipmucks or Nipnets, who lived in 
the interior of the State. Those who belonged to the former 
were probably of the Mystic Indians, the chief of which 
tribe was in the early part of the seventeenth century Nana- 
pashemit. The home of this chieftain was at Medford, situ- 
ated on a prominent place which overlooked the Mystic River. 
He was killed by the Tarrentines, a tribe of eastern Indians. 
After his death, his wife reigned under the name of the squaw 
sachem. She married Wibbacowett, the chief powwow or 
priest (Shattuck). She also lived near the Mystic. The 
subjects of this sachem or squaw probably extended nearly 
or quite to the Nipmuck country, as it embraced Tahattawan 
and his tribe at Concord. 

Tribal relations so extended would probably include some 
of Sudbury's Indians. Such is supposed to be the case. 

It is stated in the Colony Records, that, in 1637, Karte was 
associated with the squaw sachem at Medford in the sale of 


a fishing weir at Concord, " and all the planting grounds 
Avhich hath Jbeen planted by the Indians there." Nataous, it 
is supposed, was of Nipnet origin. If these prominent natives 
of Sudbury had different tribal relations, so may it have been 
with others less prominent ; but whether they belonged to the 
Nipnet or Massachusetts Indians, they all alike belonged to 
the great family of Algonquins. The Algonquin Indians 
included the class of American aborigines who inhabited 
that part of the country extending for hundreds of miles 
between the Atlantic Ocean and the Mississippi River. They 
included Canada on the north, and their southern limits ex- 
tended as far as North Carolina. Among these Indians were 
various and powerful tribes, inhabiting various parts of this 
extended territory. "The New England Indians inhabited 
the country from Connecticut to the Saco River. The prin- 
cipal tribes were the Narragansetts in Rhode Island and the 
western shores of the Narragansett Bay, the Pokanokets and 
Wampanoags on the eastern shore of the same bay and in a 
portion of Massachusetts, the Nipmucks in the centre of Mas- 
sachusetts, the Narragansetts in the vicinity of Boston and 
the shores southward, and the Patuckets in the northeastern 
part of Massachusetts, embracing the Pennacooks of New 
Hampshire." (Lossing.) 

In the early years of the town's history, the Indians in and 
about the place were on friendly terms with their pale-faced 
brethren. As has been noticed, on several sides of the town 
were Indian mission stations, from which wilderness outposts 
went forth the voice of prayer and praise. Influences so sal- 
utary not far from the borders of Sudbury might be expected 
to reach into the town itself, and tend to bring its people 
to a right way of life. These stations were, to an extent, 
made up of people gathered from various parts. It was so 
at Natick. Mr. Eliot gathered the natives from different 
directions, and fostered with fatherly care those who sought 
at his hands the truth, until he fell, as has been stated by 
another, "like a great tree in the stillness of the woods." 
Truly it might be expected that such influences, radiating like 
light through the dark shadows of the unenlightened land, 
would bring peace to the people, and that a loving, neighbor- 


like spirit would pervade the life of both the Indian and his 
white benefactors. Such natural results did prevail prior to 
Philip's war. But that war and the death of Mr Eliot were 
sad blows to the poor aborigines : by the latter they lost a 
friend, and by the former they were called to turn their backs 
on the graves of their fathers, knowing not what the end was 
to be. Allured, perhaps, by designing men of their race to 
join Philip, and ordered from their homes to another locality, 
it is not strange if some were demoralized, and that the Indi- 
ans should become a weak and broken band. It is said that 
at one time about three hundred Indians gathered at Natick 
on a training occasion. But, as years passed on, they grew 
rapidly less, even at this their old mission home. The last 
family hereabouts has long since disappeared,, their name is 
unspoken, and their veiy graves are unknown. They have 
been gathered to their fathers, with little to tell the stranger 
where once they dwelt. The streams still sparkle, but not 
for them ; the hills are crowned with our corn ; in the valley 
our gardens smile; our grain makes yellow the plain. The 
town's natural outlook, in a measure, remains unchanged, 
but a race has vanished, and the customs, language, and life 
of another race is here. 

" Like leaves on trees the race of man is found, 
Now green in youth, now withering on the ground ; 
Another spring another race supplies, 
These fall successive, and successive rise. 
So generations in their course decay, 
So flourish these when those have passed away." 

It is true the Indian is still in the land, but how neglected 
and lone ! As another has said : — 

" His eye rests on the earth, as if the grave 
Were his sole hope, his last and only home. 

His pride is dead; his courage is no more ; 
His name is but a by-word. All the tribes 
Who called this mighty continent their own 
Are homeless, friendless wanderers on earth." 

But while this race is passing, let us cherish what is good 


in their history, and in charity excuse what we reasonably 
can of their faults. Above all, let us present to them the 
truths that their great apostle, Mr. Eliot, so long and so suc- 
cessfully used. 


Origin of the Sudbury Settlement. — Why it was formed. — Names of 
Early Settlers : Residents of Watertown, Emigrants from England. — 
Passenger List of the Ship "Confidence." — Tradition about John 
Rutter. — Character of the Settlers. — Biographical Sketches. 

And that pale pilgrim band is gone, 

That on this shore with trembling trod ; 

Ready to faint, yet bearing on 
The ark of freedom and of God. 


In passing from the early condition of the territory of 
Sudbury, and its aboriginal inhabitants, we will next notice 
who they were, who became possessed of this territory as 
settlers, and so changed its condition ; whence they came, 
their names, and their character. 

The town was settled by Englishmen. The plan of set- 
tlement originated at Watertown, which was settled a few 
years previous by Sir Richard Saltonstall and Company, who 
came to America in the ship "Arbella." Mr. Saltonstall's 
party landed at Salem, went from there to Charlestown, and 
thence about four miles up Charles River, where they founded 
Watertown. Few, if any, colonial places were better pros- 
pered than this. It rapidly grew in strength and importance, 
and soon parties went out from it to form new settlements. 
Some went to the places now Dedham and Concord, and 


some as far off as Wethersfield, Conn. In fact, emigration 
from Watertown helped form some of the best towns of the 

In 1637, it was proposed that a company proceed westerly, 
and settle at what is now Sudbury. The reason for starting 
this settlement was, as the petitioners state in their paper, 
" straitness of accommodation, and want of more meadow." 
Going westerly, they could obtain both these objects ; for, 
bordering on the mother town was a territory through which 
ran a large stream, with abundance of fresh water marsh. But 
though the plan of settlement originated in Watertown, not 
all of those who carried it into effect were inhabitants of that 
place. To a large extent, the settlers came direct from Eng- 
land. Bond, the historian of that town, says, " Only a small 
proportion of the names of the early grantees of Sudbury are on 
the Watertown records ; and some who went there returned. 
Some, whose names are on the records of both places, were 
either residents of Sudbury but a very short time, or, it may 
be, never lived there at all." The explanation of this may 
be, first, that the plantation was not proposed because all the 
petitioners designed to make it their permanent home, but 
that it might be an outlet to an over-populous place. Water- 
town, it was considered, had too many inhabitants. The 
emigrants of ship after ship, as they arrived at these shores, 
went to the older places ; and this led to what was called 
"straitness of accommodation." New land would present 
greater allurements to the new comers, and the earlier settlers 
would thus be left undisturbed in their original estates. 
Secondly, speculative purposes may have led some to engage 
in the scheme for the Sudbury settlement. More or less 
doubtless enlisted in the enterprise designing to transfer their 
titles to others, as fresh emigrants came to the country. 
Sharing Avith the residents of the settlement the expense of 
the undertaking, they had a right to convey the lands that 
were allotted them, and receive such compensation therefor 
as their increased value might bring. Thus, while the plan 
of the settlement of Sudbury originated at Watertown, and 
some of the settlers came from there, yet largely, as we have 
said, it was settled by emigration direct from England. Most 



or all of the names of the earlier settlers have been preserved, 
and are repeatedly given in connection with land divisions 
prior to the close of 1640. 

From the town records we have compiled the following 
list of the early grantees or settlers, who went to the Sud- 
bury Plantation about 1638 or 1639 : — 

Mr. William Pelham, 
Mr. Edmund Browne, 
Mr. Peter Noyse, 
Bryan Pendleton, 
Walter Haine, 
John Haine, 
John Blandford, 
Hugh Griffyn, 
Edmond Good no we, 
Robert Beast, 
Thomas Noyse, 
Thomas Browne, 
Robert Darnill, 
William Browne, 
Thomas Goodnow, 
John Freeman, 
Solomon Johnson, 
William Ward, 
Richard Newton, 
John Howe, 
George Munnings, 
Anthony Whyte, 
Andrew Belcher, 
John Goodnowe, 
John Reddock, 
Thomas Whyte, 
John Knight, 
William Parker, 

John Parm enter, Senior, 

Edmond Rice, 

Henry Rice, 

Wyddow Buffumthyte, 

Henry Curtis, 

John Stone, 

John Parmenter, Jim., 

John Rutter, 

John Toll, 

Henry Loker, 

John Wood, 

John Loker, 

Widow Wright, 

John Bent, 

Nathaniel Treadaway, 

Robert Hunt, 

Widow Hunt, 

John Maynard, 

Joseph Tain tor, 

Robert Fordum, or Fordham, 

Thomas Joslyn, or Jslen, 

Richard Sanger, 

Richard Bildcome, 

Robert Davis, 

Henry Prentiss, 

Wm. Kerly, 

Thomas Hoyte, 

Thomas Flyn. 

The following are names of persons who were at the set- 
tlement soon after it beuan : — 

Thomas Axdell, 
Thomas Read, 

John Moore, 
Thomas Bisbig, 


Thomas Plympton, John Waterman, 

Hugh Drury, Goodman Witherell, 

P}iilemon Whale, John George, 

Win. How, Thomas King, 

John Smith, Peter King, 

Thomas Buckmaster, Jonas or James Pendleton, 

John Grout, John Woodward, 

Thomas Cakebread, Shadrach Hapgood, 

John Redit, Edward Wright. 

Of the Sudbury settlers who once lived in Watertown, we 
have the following names : Robert Betts (Beast), Thomas 
Cakebread, Henry Curtis, Robert Daniel (Darnell), John 
Grout, Solomon Johnson, John Knight, George Munnings, 
William Parker, Bryan Pendleton, Richard Sanger, Joseph 
Tainter, Anthony White, Goodman (John) Wetherell, Na- 
thaniel Treadaway, John Stone. 

Some of these men were prominent and valuable citizens 
of Watertown. Bryan Pendleton was one of its early Se- 
lectmen. Nathaniel Treadaway and John Stone were sons-in- 
law of Elder Edward How. Robert Betts had a share in the 
Great Dividend Allotment, and the Beaver Brook " plow 
lands." Of those who came direct from England, we have 
on a single ship's list of passengers the names of some of the 
most prominent persons in the Sudbury Plantation, namely: 

" The list of the names of the Passeng rs Intended for New 
England in the good shipp the Confidence of London of C C. 
tonnes John Jobson M r And thus by vertue of the Lord 
Treas rs warr 1 of the xjth of April, 1638. Southampton, 
24 Q Aprill 1638. 

" Walter Hayne of Sutton Mandifield in the 
County of Wilts Lennen Weaver 55 
Eliz : Hayne his wife 
Thomas Hayne \ their sonnes 
John Hayne \ under 16 
Josias Hayne ) yeaves of age. 
Sufferance Hayne , their 
Mary Hayne ) daughters 


John Blanford \ their 27 
John Riddett ( 26 

Rich Bildcombe ) servants 16 

Peter Noyce of Penton in the 

County of South" (Southampton) yeoman 47 

Thomas Noyce his sonne lf> 

Eliz : Noyce his daughter 

Robert Davis \ his 30 

John Rutter ( 22 

Margarett Davis ) servants 26 

at- t, i n \ Upton Gray, Co. of / rA 

Nicholas Guy j P South J ptoil j carpenter 50 

Jane his wife 

Mary Guy his daughter 

Joseph Taynter 

Robert Bayley 

John Bent of Penton in the 
County of South" Husband- 
man 35 
Martha Bent his wife 
Robert Bent ~) 
William Bent, their children 
Peter Bent, }■ all under y e age 
John Bent of 12 years 
Ann Bent J 

John Goodenowe of Semley 

of Welsheir Husbandman 42 
Jane Goodenowe his wife 
Lydia Goodenowe J their 
Jane Goodenowe \ daughters 

Edmund Goodenowe of Dun- 
head in Wilsheire Husbandman : 
Ann Goodenowe his wife 

, , ~ , } their sonnes 

.John (joodenowe / , , 

„ , > 4 years and 

J nomas Goodenowe \ , 

; under 

Richard Sanger his servant 


Thomas Goodenowe of Shasbury § 30 
Jane Goodenow his wife 
Thomas Goodenowe his sonne 
Ursula Goodenowe his sister 
Edmond Kerley ) of Ashmore 22 
William Kerley \ Husbandmen " 

It is not certain that the young men mentioned in this 
ship's list as "servants," or "hired men," ever came in that 
capacity. John Rutter was by trade a carpenter ; Richard 
Sanger was a blacksmith ; one had a family when he came ; 
two others were afterward sons-in-law of the persons in 
whose employ they ostensibly came ; and all of them took 
their place among the substantial men of the settlement. 

It was a tradition among the descendants of John Rutter, 
without their having a knowledge that this ship's list was in 
existence, that their ancestor came to this country disguised 
as a servant. 

The state of the times and the strictness of English laws 
at that period, with regard to ships and emigrants coming to 
America, might be a reason why some might come in disguise. 
If this was so in the case of one, it might have been so with 
regard to the rest. 

In connection with the names of the settlers, it is appropri- 
ate to state something of their character. In attempting 
this, perhaps we can do no better than to say that they fitly 
represented the noble element that came to the New England 
shores at that period. They were Puritans both in theory 
and practice ; and afar from the conveniences and luxuries 
of their native land, sought in a new country a home remote 
from ecclesiastical and political strife. They embarked for 
America at a time when England was in an unsettled condi- 
tion, and when ship after ship was bringing to these shores 
some of her purest and stanchest citizens. As we pass 
along, we shall see that they were a practical people, and 
possessed of energy equal to the emergencies incident to 
pioneer life ; and that they began the settlement as men who 
could forecast what a substantial and prosperous community 
would require. The whole trend of their conduct is indica- 


tive of self-reliance, though recognizing all proper authority. 
What the common weal required they took hold of with zest; 
and in their adherence to what they thought suitable, they 
showed a perseverance truly commendable. Their proceed- 
ings in town-meeting, and the manner in which the records 
were kept, indicate that the education of a part of them at 
least was good for the times ; and the measures enacted for 
the common convenience and welfare show common sense 
and sagacity. 

As a religious people, they in no way lacked what we 
ascribe to the historic Puritan. Although compelled by cir- 
cumstances to economize all their resources, and to make the 
most of time, talents and strength to meet the demands of 
every day life, yet they found time to serve their Creator, 
and praise and adore Him in their forest home. Their Chris- 
tianity manifested itself in their steadfast adherence to the 
Christian faith, in their reliance on God, and their love for 
His holy law. 

Industry was a prominent characteristic. From the minis- 
ter down to the humblest citizen, each had a share in the 
manual work of the settlement. Though the minister's sal- 
ary was in part paid in produce, yet he was assigned lands 
and attended to husbandry. Another characteristic trait of 
the settlers seems to have been their desire for territorial 
enlargement and possession, and for the pioneering of new 
places. To such an extent did this spirit prevail in Sudbury 
and its neighboring town, Concord, that the following law 
was passed by the Court in 1645 : — 

"In regard of the great danger that Concord, Sudbury and 
Dedham will be exposed unto, being inland Townes and but 
thinly peopled, it is ordered that no man now inhabiting and 
settled in any of the s'd Townes (whether married or single) 
shall remove to any other Town without the allowance of 
the magistrates or the selectmen of the towns, until they 
shall obtain leave to settle again." 

The settlers of Sudbury were young men, or in the prime 
of stirring manhood : they were not patriarchs near the close 
of their pilgrimage. Even those with whom, because of their 
prominence, we most associate dignity and gravity were com- 


paratively young men when the settlement began. B} r the 
passenger-list of the " Confidence " it will be noticed that 
only Walter Haine had reached the age of 55, and John Rat- 
ter was only 22 : Robert Davis, 30 ; John Blandford, 27 ; 
John Reddet, 26 ; Peter Noyes, 47 ; John Bent, 35 ; John 
Goodenow, 42 ; Edmund Goodenow, 27 ; Thomas Goodenow, 
30. These ages are doubtless correct, as we have in 1666 a 
deposition made by one of them, Edmund Goodenow, in 
which he alleges that he is about fifty -five years old. Rev. 
Edmund Browne was in about the prime of life when he 
came to the plantation ; and Edmund Rice was about thirty- 
four. In fact, we find in an old petition presented at the 
close of Philip's war in 1676, from a dozen to a score or 
more of names that may' have belonged to the early grantees. 
Probably from a quarter to a half century passed before there 
was a generation of old men in Sudbury. Having noticed 
thus much of the character of the Sudbury settlers collec- 
tively, we will give a few facts concerning them individu- 
ally. These facts will serve the purpose not so much of 
genealogy, as an introduction of these ancient worthies, with 
whom the history of our town is so closely connected. 

William Pelham came to this country in the fleet with 
Winthrop, and may have been a brother of Herbert and John 
Pelham. Savage states that he lost the passage with the 
" Govenor's son Henry, by going ashore at Cowes from the 
'Arbella,' and trusting fortune for another ship." It is 
recorded in the Colonial Records. 1645, that " Mr. William 
Pelham being recommended to this Court by y e town of 
Sudbury for the Captaine, and Edmund Goodnow as the 
Ensign, were both accepted and confirmed in their places by 
this Court." In 1645-6 he was selectman, and representa- 
tive in 1647. He returned to England, and was the"ie in 

Edmund Browne. (See chapter on First Minister, 
Meeting-House, etc., and period 1675-1700.) 

Peter Noyes came from England in the ship " Confi- 
dence," 1638. He is called "yeoman" in the ship's passen- 
ger list, but is repeatedly mentioned in the records of this 


country as "gentleman;'' and the term "Mr." is often 
applied. After a short stay in America, he returned to 
England, but came back the next year in the ship "Jona- 
than," with, it is supposed, other children, viz., Nicholas, 
Dorothy, Abigail and Peter ; also the servants John Water- 
man, Richard Barnes and William Street. Mr. Koyes was a 
freeman May 13, 1640, a selectman eighteen years, and rep- 
resented the town at the General Court in 1640, '41 and '50. 
He died Sept. 23, 1657. Three years before his death he 
gave his estate in England to his son Thomas. The day 
before his death he made a will in which he made his son 
Thomas his executor, and named the following other chil- 
dren : Peter, Joseph, Elizabeth (wife of Josiah Haynes), 
Dorothy (wife of John ILiynes), Abigail (wife of Thomas 
Plympton), his daughter-in-law Mary (wife of his son 
Thomas), and his kinsman Shadrach Hapgood. The Noyeses 
have lived in various parts of the town. The mill on the 
west side was built by them. (See period 1650-75.) Promi- 
nent members of the family are buried in the Old Burying- 
ground, Wayland. 

Bryan (or Brian) Pendleton came from England in 
1634, and became a freeman Sept. 3, 1634. He went to 
Sudbury from Watertown, where he was a grantee of ten lots 
of land, which he sold when he left the place. He was one 
of the prominent petitioners for a plantation at Sudbury, and 
his name is on the town records as one of the foremost busi- 
ness men of the place. He was early appointed to lead the 
"train band," and was one of the early selectmen. A hill 
in the centre of the town still bears the name of " Pendleton 
Hill." (See chapter on Cemeteries.) Mr. Pendleton did not 
live long in Sudbury, but returned to Watertown, which 
place he represented in the Colonial Court for several years. 
About 1642 he moved to Portsmouth, of which he was repre- 
sentative some years, and from thence went to Saco. At the 
close of the Indian war of 1676, he returned to Portsmouth, 
where he died in 1681, leaving a will which was made Aug. 
9, 1677, and probated Aug. 5, 1681. 

Walter Haynes (Hayne or Haine) came to America 
from England on the ship " Confidence," in 1638. (See 


ship's passenger-list.) He was a freeman May 13, 1641. He 
represented the town in the General Court in the years 1641, 
'44, '48 and '51, and was a selectman ten years. Mr. Haynes 
was probably one of the first grantees to erect a house on the 
west side of the river, which house was probably the "Haynes 
Garrison." He died Feb. 14, 1665. In his will, Thomas is 
mentioned as being away from home, and Sufferance as being 
the wife of Josiah Tread way, and Mary as the wife of Thomas 
Noyes. One piece of property disposed of in his will was a 
tenement in Shaston, Dorsetshire, Eng. The Haynes family 
has been well known and quite numerous in Sudbury. Mem- 
bers of it have lived in various parts of the town, and held 
prominent offices, both civil and military. Capt. Aaron 
Haynes commanded a Sudbury company that marched to 
Concord on the memorable 19th of April, 1775, and partici- 
pated in the stirring events of that day. Dea. Josiah Haynes 
was slain in that contest at the age of eighty, and Joshua 
Haynes was killed at the battle of Bunker Hill. (See Revo- 
lutionary period.) One of the descendants was Capt. Israel 
Haynes, who represented the town in the Legislature at the 
session when Charles Sumner was first elected United States 
Senator. (See chapter on Pantry District.) A descendant 
now living in town is Hon. C. F. Gerry, who has served both 
in the House of Represenatives and the Senate of Massachu- 
setts, and whose wife, a great-granddaughter of Judge Fos- 
ter, the first representative in Congress from New Hampshire, 
was a well-known authoress. 

John Haynes, son of Walter, came with his father, in 
1638, in the "Confidence," at the age of sixteen. We hear 
of him about 1658, with other Sudbury parties, in possession 
of lands in the territory of Worcester. (See chapter on 
Colonists from Sudbuiy.) 

John Rlandford came from England in the ship " Confi- 
dence," in 1638, at the age of twenty-seven. He came in 
the empio}' of Walter Haynes, and, it is supposed, brought 
with him Mary, his first wife, who died Dec. 4, 1641. He 
married for his second wife Dorothy Wright. He had at 
least four children, all born in this country, Sarah, Hannah, 
John and Steven. He made a will, dated Oct. 21, 1687, pro- 


bated Nov. 23 following before Sir Edmund Andros. His 
widow received all of the estate for her life. 

HUGH Gbiffin (or Griffing) was a freeman in 1(14"), and 
held the office of the first town clerk in Sudbury. The Col- 
ony Records state that, in 1645, Hugh Griffin was "appointed 
clerk of the writs in place of Walter Ilaynes." He married 
Elizabeth Upsou, a widow, who had one daughter by a former 
marriage. He died 1656, and left a will in which are men- 
tioned as his children, Jonathan, Abigail (born Nov. 16, 
1640), Sarah (born Nov. 20, 1642), Shemuel (born Jan. 9, 
1643, O.S.), and also Hannah, daughter of his wife by her 
former marriage. Among his descendants was Rev. Ed- 
ward Dorr Griffin, D. D., who was a professor of Sacred 
Rhetoric at Andover, a pastor of Park-Street Church, Boston, 
and third president of Williams College. Dr. Griffin was born 
at East Haddam, Conn., in 1670, and graduated at Yale Col- 
lege in 1790. 

Edmund Goodnowe (Goodnow, Goodinow, Goodenow or 
Goodenough) came in the "Confidence," in 1638. The 
house-lot assigned to him was on the north street, the third 
east of the meeting-house, and adjacent to that of John 
liaynes. He was an early inhabitant on the west side, and 
probably built the " Goodnow Garrison." (See chapter on 
Philip's War.) He was a freeman May 13, 1640. He 
repeatedly represented the town at the General Court, was 
appointed to lay out land, and was a captain of the town 
militia. He died April 6, 1688, aged seventy-seven. His 
wife, Ann, died March 9, 1675, at the age of sixty-seven. 
Edmund Goodnow and wife were buried in the Old Bury in g- 
ground, Wayland. Mr. Haynes brought with him to America 
his children John and Thomas. Hannah and Sarah were 
born afterwards. Thomas, it is supposed, died young. Han- 
nah married James Pendleton, April 29, 1656. Sarah mar- 
ried John Kettle. The Goodnow family has had a promi- 
nent position in town from an early date. It has largely 
dwelt on the west side of the river, and to quite an extent 
in the south part of the town. One of the descendants was 
John Goodnow, the donor of the Goodnow Library, who was 
for many years a well-known merchant of Boston ; as was 


also George Good now, who gave a fund for the aid of the 
poor in Sudbury. Their father, John Goodnow, lived to be 
over a hundred years old, and was the last survivor in Sud- 
bury of those who did service in the Revolutionary War. He 
was born on the Noah Clapp farm, about half way between 
Sudbury Centre and South Sudbury, from which he went in 
early life to lands in Lanham, formerly owned and occupied 
by Thomas Read and his descendants. 

Robert Betts (Best or Beast) came from Watertown, 
where he owned lands. He died at Sudbury in 1655, 
bequeathing his estate to his brother-in-law, William Hunt, 
and other relatives. 

Thomas Noyes. (See sketch of Peter Noyes.) 

Thomas Browne was at Concord in 1638, and was per- 
haps a brother of Rev. Edmund and William Browne. He 
was a freeman March 14, 1639. His wife's name was Brid- 
get, who died Jan. 5, 1681, and he had several children. It 
is supposed he removed to Cambridge. He died Nov. 3, 1688. 

Robert Darnel (Darniel or Darvell) came to Water- 
town, where he was a grantee of five house-lots. He died 
in 1655. 

William Brown, Bond says in his history of Watertown, 
has been thought to be of the lineage of Christopher Brown 
of Hawkedon,' of the Parish of Bury St. Edmunds, County 
of Suffolk, Eng. ; but no evidence of it has been discovered. 
Probably William, Thomas and Edmund Brown were rela- 
tives, if not brothers, and all perhaps arrived at Sudbury at 
or about the same time. William Brown was assigned a 
house-lot on the south street of the settlement, the fourth 
east of the first meeting-house, adjoining that of Edmund 
Goodnow. He eventually settled near Nobscot, on a tract 
of land of two hundred acres, which was granted him by the 
General Court in answer to a petition presented by him in 
1649. (Colonial Records, Vol. III., p. 155.) He was a 
freeman June 2, 1641, and became a prominent man at the 
plantation, and at one time captain of the militia. He was 
the first deacon of the church at Sudbury, and a representa- 
tive under the new charter in 1692. About 1643 he "was 
chosen and sworne surveyor of the armes of Sudbury." He 


was married Nov. 15, 1641, to Mary, daughter of Thomas 
Berbeck or Bisby. (See sketch of Thomas Bisby.) He had 
seven children, Mary, Thomas, William, Edmund, Hopestill, 
Susanna and Elizabeth. His son Thomas, born May 22, 
1645, known as Maj. Thomas Brown, was a man of consid- 
erable prominence, because of his public position and ser- 
vices. He married, in 1667, Patience Foster, who died 
August, 1706, aged fifty-two. He married for his second 
wife Mary Phipps of Cambridge, widow of Solomon Phipps, 
Jr., and daughter of Dep.-Gov. Thomas Danforth. His 
daughter Mary married, Jan. 8, 1691, Jonathan Willard of 
Roxbury. Major Brown was a man much engaged in town 
business, a representative for successive years, and com- 
manded a company of horse in the Indian war. In 1701 
he was allowed by the General Court compensation for a 
horse lost in pursuit of the Indians in 1697. He died May 
7, 1709, and the following note is found concerning him in 
the diary of Judge Sewall : "Maj. Thomas Brown, Esq., of 
Sudbury, was buried in the Old Burying-place."' We con- 
sider it quite probable that the " Old Brown Garrison " in 
Sudbury was built by Major Brown. (See chapter on 
Philip's War.) Hopestill, another son, married for his first 
wife Abigail Haynes, and for his second wife Dorothy, the 
widow of Rev. Samuel Paris of Salem withcraft notoriety. 
(See period 1675-1700.) The original William Brown 
homestead at Sudbury was probably at, or not far from, 
the spot where the house now occupied by Hubbard Brown 
formerly stood, which was by a large buttonwood tree on 
the hillside, a short distance to the westward of its present 
location. A short distance southerly, at or near the edge of 
the plain, is still visible the site of another building. Either 
of these may be the spot where William Brown erected the 
first house on his grant of two hundred acres at Nobscot. 
The Brown family has been numerous in Sudbury, living for 
the most part on the west side of the river. Members of the 
family have never ceased to dwell, and occupy land, in the 
neighborhood of Nobscot. In the old homestead located 
there the three brothers, John, Israel How and Edward, 
were born ; and on the ancestral estate Everett and Hub- 


bard, two sons of Edward, still live. A third son is Dr. 
Frank Brown of Reading, a graduate of Amherst College, 
and surgeon in the Union army in the civil war. 

Thomas Goodnow was a brother of John and Edmund, 
and became a freeman in 1643. He was twice married, and 
had seven children by his first wife, Jane. In his will, bear- 
ing date 1664, he mentions his brother Edmund and John 
Rnddocke. He was petitioner for the Marlboro Plantation, 
and moved there at its settlement. In 1661, '62 and '64, he 
was one of its selectmen. At least two of his children were 
born in Sudbury, Thomas, and Mary, who was born Aug. 25, 
1640. The house of his son Samuel, who was born in 1646, 
was one of the Marlboro garrison houses. Mary was hilled 
and scalped by the Indians in 1707. 

John Freeman. We have received but few facts relating 
to this early grantee of Sudbury. His wife's name was Eliza- 
beth, and he had one child, Joseph, who was born March 29, 
1645, and who was a freeman in 1678. 

Solomon Johnson became a freeman in 1651. He was 
twice married, his first wife, Hannah, dying in 1651. By 
this marriage he had three children, Joseph or Joshua and 
Nathaniel, who were twins (born Feb. 3, 1640), and Mary 
(born Jan. 23, 1644). He married for his second wife 
Elinor Crafts, by whom he had four children, Caleb, who 
died young, Samuel (born March 5, 1654), Hannah (born 
April 27, 1656), and Caleb, again (born Oct. 1, 1658). 
He assisted in the formation of the Marlboro Plantatation, 
and was assigned a house-lot of twenty-three acres there. 
He was selectman from 1651 to 1666. His son Caleb 
purchased, with Thomas Brown and Thomas Drury, the 
Glover farm near Cochituate Pond, of John Appleton, Jr. 
Upon this land Caleb erected a house near Dudley Pond, 
Wayland, and died there in 1777. In the inventory of his 
real estate one piece of land was " Beaver-hole meadow." 

William Ward came to this country about the time of 
the settlement of Sudbury, bringing with him, it is supposed, 
five children, John (born 1626), Joanna (born 1628), Oba- 
diah (born 1632), Richard (born 1635), and Deborah (born 
1637). He became a freeman in 1643. By his second wife, 


Elizabeth, he had eight children born in America, Hannah 
(born 1639), William (born Jan. 22, 1640), Samuel (born 
Sept. 24, 1641), Elizabeth (born April 14, 1643), Increase 
(born Feb. 22 1645), Hopestill (born Feb. 24, 1646), Elea- 
zer (born 1649), and Bethia (born 1658). In 1643 Mr. 
Ward represented the town as deputy to the General Court. 
He was prominent in helping to establish a plantation at 
Marlboro, and moved there in 1660. He was made deacon 
of the church at its organization, and was sent as representa- 
tive of the town in 1666. He died there Aug. 10, 1687, 
leaving a will made April 6, 1686. His wife died Dec. 9, 

1700, at the age of eighty-six. 

Richard Newton came from England, and was a freeman 
of the colony in 1645. He was a petitioner for the Marlboro 
Plantation, and settled in that part of the place now South- 
boro. It is supposed he was twice married, and that Han- 
nah, his last wife, died Dec. 5, 1697. He died Aug. 24, 

1701, at the age of about one hundred years. He had six 
children, the first of whom, John, was born in 1641. The 
second son was Moses, who, when the Indians attacked 
Marlboro, in 1676, causing the inhabitants who were at 
church to suddenly disperse, nobly remained to assist in 
the escape of an aged woman. He received a ball in 
his arm, but succeeded in removing the woman to a place 
of safety. 

John How (or Howe) was a son of John How, whom it 
is supposed came from Warwickshire, Eng., and was de- 
scended from John How, the son of John of Hodinhull, who 
was connected with the family of Sir Charles How of Lan- 
caster, Eng. John How was admitted a freeman in 1641, 
and two years later was one of the town's selectmen. In 
1655 he was appointed to see that the youth were well 
behaved on the Sabbath. He was said to be the first white 
settler on the new grant land. He was petitioner for the 
Marlboro Plantation in 1657, and moved to that place about 
the same year. He was located east of the Indian "planting 
field," and was the first tavern-keeper in Marlboro, having 
kept a public house there as early, at least, as 1670. At this 
ordinary his grandson, who afterwards kept the Sudbury 


" Red Horse Tavern," may have been favorably struck with 
the occupation of an innholder, and thus led to establish the 
business at Sudbury. Mr. How was a man of kindly feeling 
and uprightness of character, and both Sudbury and Marl- 
boro were favored with the presence of successive genera- 
tions of the family. John How died at Marlboro in 1687, at 
which place and about which time his wife also died. (See 
chapter on Wayside Inn.) 

George Munnings (or Mullings), aged thirty-seven, 
came from Ipswich, County of Suffolk, Eng., in the ship 
" Elizabeth," in 1634. He was accompanied by his wife, 
Elizabeth, aged forty- one, and two children, Elizabeth and 
Abigail, aged respectively twelve and seven, and perhaps a 
daughter Rebecca. He was for a time at Watertown, and 
became a freeman March 4, 1635. He was an active man, 
and prominent in public affairs, both of church and state. 
He was in the Pequot war, and lost an eye in the service. 
In 1845 lie resided at Boston, at which place he died Aug. 
24, 1658. By a will, made the day before his death, he gave 
his estate to his wife. 

Anthony Whyte (or White), aged twenty-seven, came 
from Ipswich, County of Suffolk, Eng., in 1634. He came 
to this country in the " Francis," went to Watertown, and 
subsequently engaged in the enterprise of a settlement at 
Sudbury. Afterwards he returned to Watertown. He mar- 
ried Grace Hall, Sept. 8, 1645, and had three children, all 
born in Watertown, Abigail, John and Mary. He died 
March 8, 1686, leaving a will, of which Rebecca, widow of 
his son John, was named executrix. 

Andrew Belcher married Elizabeth, daughter of Nicho- 
las Danforth of Cambridge, Oct. 1, 1639. His occupation at 
one time was that of taverner. He had six children, Eliza- 
beth (born Aug. IT, 1640), Jemina (born April 5, 1642), 

Martha (born July 26, 1644), Mary (born ), Andrew 

(born Jan. 1, 1647), and Ann (born Jan. 1, 1649). He 
died June 26, 1680, leaving a widow. 

John Goodnowe was a brother of Edmund, and came 
with him in the ship " Confidence," at the age of forty-two. 
He was a freeman June 2, 1641, and a selectman of Sudbury 


in 1644. His daughters L}dia and Jane came with him. 
He died March 28, 1554. 

John Reddocke (Ruddocke or Reddick) became a free- 
man of the colony in 1640. He was actively engaged in 
forming the plantation at Marlboro, and in the assignment 
of house-lots he received fifty acres of land. His home- 
stead was northwesterly of the Marlboro meeting-house. He 
was three times married, his second wife, Jane, being sister 
of Rev. Mr. Brimsmead, pastor of the Marlboro church. He 
built one of the first frame houses in Marlboro, was one of 
its first selectmen, first town clerk, and deacon of the church. 

Thomas White was a freeman May 13, 1640. He was a 
selectman in 1642, and shared in the first three divisions of 

John Knight came from Watertown, where he lived in 
1636. He was a freeman in 1642, and was by trade a 

William Parker came from Watertown. He became a 
freeman June 2, 1641. The name of his wife was Elizabeth, 
and he had two children, Ephraim (who died in 1640, aged 
five months) and Ruhamah (born Sept. 19, 1641). He had 
land assigned him in the first and second division of meadow 
lands, which amounted to five and one -half acres. The 
house-lot assigned him was on Bridle Point Road, adjacent 
to Peter Noyes. None of the Parker family bearing the 
name now live in Sudbury. 

John Parmenter, Sr., (Parmeter or Permenter) came 
from England to Watertown, and from there to Sudbury, 
and was made a freeman May 13, 1640. He was accom- 
panied to America by his wife Bridget and his son John, 
who became a freeman May, 1642. Other children may have 
come from England with them. His wife died April 6, 1660, 
after which he removed to Roxbury, Mass., where he mar- 
ried Aug. 9, 1660, Annie Dane, widow of John Dane. He 
died May 1, 1671, aged eighty-three. Mr. Parmenter was 
one of the early selectmen, and second deacon of the 
church, to which office he was chosen in 1658. Sept. 4, 
1639, he was appointed one of the commission to lay out 
the land. 


Edmund Rice was born in 1594, and came to this country 
from Barkhamstead, Hertfordshire, Eng. He was twice mar- 
ried. His first wife, Tamazine, died at Sudbury, where she 
was buried June 18, 1654. His second wife, whom he mar- 
ried March 1, 1655, was Mercie (Hurd) Brigham, widow of 
Thomas Brigham of Cambridge. He had twelve children, 
nine of whom were born in England, and the others in Sud- 
bury: Henry (born 1616), Edward (born 1618), Edmund, 
Thomas, Mary, Lydia (born 1627), Matthew (born 1629), 
Daniel (born 1632), Samuel (born 1634), Joseph (born 
1637), Benjamin (born 1640), Ruth (born 1659), and 
Ann (born 1661). Mr. Rice died May 3, 1663, at Marl- 
boro, aged about sixty-nine, and was buried in Sudbury. 
His widow married William Hunt of Marlboro. .Mr. Rice 
was a prominent man in the settlement. He early owned 
lands in and out of the town, some of which came by 
grant of the General Court. His first dwelling-place 
at Sudbury was on the old north street. Sept. 1, 1642, 
he sold this place to John Moore, and Sept. 13 of the 
same year leased, for six years, the Dunster Farm, which 
lay just east of Cochituate Pond. He bought of the widow 
Mary Axdell six acres of land and her dwelling-house, 
which were in the south part of the town, and some years 
afterwards he bought of Philemon Whale his house and nine 
acres of land near " the spring" and adjacent to the Axdell 
place ; and these taken together, in part at least, formed the 
old Rice homestead, not far from the " Five Paths " (Way- 
land). This old homestead remained in the Rice family for 
generations. Edmund sold it to Edmund, his son, who 
passed it to his sons John and Edmund, and afterwards John 
transferred his share of it to his brother Edmund, by whom 
it passed to others of the family, who occupied it till within 
the last half century. On Sept. 26, 1647, Mr. Rice leased 
the " Glover Farm " for ten years, and April 8, 1657, he pur- 
chased the '" Jennison Farm," which comprised two hundred 
acres, situated by the town's southerly boundary, and be- 
tween the " Dunster Farm " and what is now Weston ; and 
June 24, 1659, the " Dunster Farm " was purchased by Mr. 
Rice and his son. Mr. Rice was one of the substantial men 


of the Sudbury plantation. He was a freeman May 13, 1640, 
and was one of the committee appointed by the Colonial 
Court, Sept. 4, 1639, to apportion land to the inhabitants. 
He served as selectman from 1639 to 1644, and was deputy 
to the General Court several successive years. He was promi- 
nent in the settlement of Marlboro, for which he was a peti- 
tioner in 1656. The Rice family in Sudbury have been 
numerous, and the name has been frequently mentioned on 
the town books. 

Henry Rice was the son of Edmund (see sketch of 
Edmund Rice), and was born in England, 1616. He was 
assigned a house-lot on the south street of the settlement, 
adjacent to that of John Maynard on the east, and his father, 
Edmund, on the west. 

Widow Buffumthyte (or BufTumthrope). We have 
received no facts concerning this early grantee, except that 
she received early allotments of land. 

Henry Curtis (or Curtice) had his homestead on the 
north street of the settlement, probably about where, until 
within nearly a half century, an old house called the Curtis 
House stood. His descendants have been conspicuous, not 
only in town history, but also in that of the county and 
colony. Ephraim, his son, was a famous Indian scout. (See 
chapter on Philip's War.) Major Curtis, whose grave is in 
the west part of the " Old Burying-ground," Wayland, was 
a distinguished citizen. (See chapter on Cemeteries.) 

John Stone came to Sudbury from Cambridge, and was 
son of Dea. Gregory Stone of that place. He was born in 
England, and accompanied his father to America. He mar- 
ried Ann, daughter of Elder Edward Howe of Watertown, 
and had ten children, most of whom were born in Sudbury. 
He was at one time an elder in the church, and in 1655 was 
town clerk. He was an early settler on land now in Framing- 
ham, and at one time owned the land that is now included in 
Saxonville. It is supposed when the Indian war began he 
removed to Cambridge. He was representative of that town 
in 1682-83. He died May 5, 1683, aged sixty-four. 

John Parmenter, Jr., was also an early proprietor, and 
kept a tavern or ordinary, at which the committee of the 



Colonial Court and Ecclesiastical Council for the settlement 
of difficulties in Sudbury, in 1655, were entertained. The 
old ordinary was situated on the south street of the settle- 
ment (Wayland), on the house-lot assigned at the general 
allotment of 1639. And until near the beginning of the 
present century the "Old Parmenter Tavern" was continued 
at the same spot, a little westerly of the house occupied by 
the late Dana Parmenter. John Parmenter, Jr., had six 
children, among whom was one named John. His wife, Amy, 
died 1681. The Parmenter family has been numerous in 
Sudbury; they have lived in various parts of the town, and 
been a people of industry and thrift. 


Armes. — Gules, three Garbs and Chief, a Lion Passant Argent, 
or Mullet for difference. 

Nicholas Rutter descended from Kinsley Hall in Com. Chester, who 
came first and lived at Hilcot in Com. Glouc. 

John Rutter came to America in the ship "Confidence," 
in 1638, at the age of twenty-two. He married Elizabeth 
Plympton, who came to this country in the ship "Jonathan," 
in 1639, having as fellow-passengers Peter Noyes, who was 


on his second voyage to America, and also ihe mother and 
sister of John Bent, both of whom were named Agnes. 
(See sketch of John Bent.) John Rutter had a house-lot 
assigned him on the north street, a little westerly of Clay-pit 
Hill. He was by trade a carpenter, and engaged with the 
town to build the first meeting-house. (See chapter on First 
Meeting-house.) He had three children, Elizabeth, John 
and Joseph. About the time of the settlement several acres 
of land were given him by the town, in acknowledgment 
of some public service. He was selectman in 1675. His 
descendants for many years lived on the south street, Way- 
land ; and the old homestead of Joseph Rutter, which name 
has been in the family almost from the very first, still stands, 
being occupied at present by Mr. James A. Draper. At this 
spot Gen. Micah Maynard Rutter, son of Joseph, was born 
in 1779. Gen. Rutter was a prominent man in Middlesex 
County. For years he held the position of sheriff, and re- 
ceived the commission of General from Gov. Lincoln. He 
was energetic and public spirited, and interested in all that 
pertained to the well being of the community. He died in 
1837. Another descendant was Dr. Joseph Rutter Draper. 
He was a graduate of Williams College, principal of the high 
schools in Saxonville and Milford, surgeon in the Union 
army in the Civil War, and a practising physician in South 
Boston, where he died in 1885. His mother's name was 
Eunice, daughter of the last Joseph Rutter. Until her mar- 
riage with Mr. Ira Draper she lived at the old homestead. 
Dr. Draper well represented the John Rutter family, which 
as a race was noted for purity and uprightness of character. 
He was buried in the Old Burying -ground, in Wayland, 
where generation after generation of this ancient family 
were laid. Another grandchild of Joseph Rutter is Mrs. A. 
S. Hudson (L. R. Draper), formerly principal of Wadsworth 
Academy, South Sudbury, and of the high schools of Lin- 
coln, Wayland, and Marlboro. The accompanying fac simile 
of the Coat of Arms was that of Nicholas Rutter, from whom 
John Rutter is supposed to have descended. 

John Toll. We have received but little information 
relative to this early grantee. His wife was named Cath- 


erine, and they had three children, John (born Nov. 20, 
1641, died Jan. 31, 1643), Mary (born Dec. 31, 1643), and 
John who died Jan. 8, 1657. As the male issue all died, the 
family name was not continued in Sudbury. There is still a 
place by the river meadows, between the old causeway and 
Sherman's Bridge, called ''Toll's Island." 

John Wood (or Woods) was one of the petitioners for 
the township of Marlboro, and a prominent man of that 
place, being one of its selectmen in 1663-5, and one of the 
early members of the church. He had several children; and 
his wife, who it is supposed was Mary Parmenter, died Aug. 
17, 1690, aged eighty years. 

John Loker was assigned a house-lot just west of the 
meeting-house, where he lived in a house with his mother 
as late as 1678. The town purchased of him at that date, 
for a parsonage, the east end of his house, together with an 
orchard and four acres of land, and the reversion due to him 
of the western end of the house, which his mother then occu- 
pied. (See period 1675-1700.) It is said that before 1652 
he married Mary Draper. Families by the name of Loker 
have lived within the ancient limits of Sudbury since the 
days of its settlement, dwelling for the most part in the 
territory now Wayland, and more especially in the southerly 
portion. Isaac Loker was captain of a troop of Sudbury 
men on the memorable 19th of April, members of his com- 
pany coming from both sides of the river. (See Revolution- 
ary Period.) 

Henry Loker was perhaps brother of John. 

Widow Wright (or Mrs. Dorothy Wright) early had 
land at Sudbury. She was assigned a house-lot on the south 
street, east of the meeting-house, between that of John Toll 
and John Bent. She married John Blandford, whose wife 
Mary died December, 1641. She was perhaps the mother of 
Edward Wright. 

John Bent came to America from Penton, Eng., in the 
ship " Confidence," in 1638, at the age of thirty-five. He 
was by occupation a husbandman. He was accompanied by 
his wife Martha, and by five children, all of whom were 
under twelve years of age, whose names are as follows : Rob- 


ert, William, Peter, John, Ann (or Agnes) who married 
Edward Rice, Joseph, and Martha who married Samuel How 
in 1668. The same year of his arrival in this country he 
returned to England for others of his family, and came back 
in the ship "Jonathan" the next year. His sister Agnes 
Blanchard and her infant child died on the vo} T age ; and 
his mother Agnes also died on the voyage or soon after the 
ship reached our shores. He was a freeman May 13, 164U. 
He was one of the proprietors of the Marlboro Plantation, 
but died Sept. 27, 1672, at Sudbury. His wife died May 15, 
1679. His son Joseph was born at Sudbury, May 16, 1641. 
The Bent family has from the first been quite numerous in 
Sudbury. Some of them have long been residents of Cochit- 
uate, formerly a part of the town. John, Jr., purchased 
land of Hemy Rice near Cochituate Brook, where he built 
a house ; and it is said that he was the fourth person to erect 
a dwelling in the territory of Framingham. The Bents have 
lived on both sides of the river, and the name is still familiar 
within the present limits of the town. 

Nathaniel Treadway (Tredway or Treadaway) was a 
weaver by trade. He married Suffrance, daughter of Elder 
Edward How, and was brother-in-law of John Stone, eldest 
son of Dea. Gregory Stone of Cambridge. He had seven 
children, three of whom were born in Sudbury : Jonathan 
(born Nov. 11, 1640), Mary (born Aug. 1, 1642), and per- 
haps James (born about 1644). On the death of his father- 
in : law he removed to Watertown. There he was appointed 
selectman. He inherited property from Dea. Stone's estate. 
His wife died July 22, 1682. 

Robert Hunt came from Charlestown, where he was in 
1638, and shared in the meadow divisions of Sudbury. 

The Widow Hunt, one of the original proprietors, might 
have been the mother or the sister-in-law of Robert. She 
had a house-lot assigned on the south street, between those 
of John Wood and John Goodnow; but it is supposed she 
sold this, and took one at "Pine Plain." (See map of house- 
Lots.) The name of Hunt has long been familiar in Sudbury, 
but more or less of this name probably descended from the 
Concord Hunts. The first of the name in Concord was 

"A^A t — 


William, who was there as early as 1640, became a freeman in 
1641, and died in Marlboro, October, 1667, leaving an estate 
of £596, and the children Nehemiah, Isaac, William, Eliza- 
beth, Hannah and Samuel. William Hunt was born in 1605, 
and married Elizabeth Best, who died in 1661. He after- 
wards married, while at Marlboro, Mercie [Hurd] Rice, 
widow of Edmund Rice, in 1664. The descendants of 
William Hunt have, for more than fifty consecutive years, 
kept a store at South Sudbury. One of the descendants was 
Mr. Sewall Hunt, who died in 1888, at which time he was 
the oldest inhabitant of the town, and the last of a family of 
ten children. " Mr. Hunt was for more than fifty years a 
member of the Congregational Church of Sudbury. In polit- 
ical matters he was always in advance of the times, being an 
' Abolitionist ' when to be such required strong convictions 
and great moral courage. He was the first, and for two 
years the only, voter in Sudbury of the old ' Liberty party, 1 
and for two years a candidate of the ' Free Soilers ' for rep- 
resentative to the General Court." His farm was called 
the " Hunt place," situated a short distance from " Hunt's 
bridge," which crosses Lowance Brook not far from the 
southerly limit of the town. He had five children, Sereno 
D., J.onas S., Samuel M., Edwin and Clara J. The eldest, 
Sereno D., has been principal of the high schools at Con- 
cord, Brockton and Milton. Edwin, a graduate of Amherst 
College, was assistant principal of the high school in Utica, 
N. Y. Jonas S., the second son, has for many years occu- 
pied official positions in Sudbury, having been representative 
to the General Court in 1876, one of its selectmen and asses- 
sors for successive years, and its postmaster and town clerk 
for more than a quarter of a century, which positions he still 
holds. Clara, the only daughter, married Rev. John White- 
hill, a Congregational clergyman. Samuel for a time lived 
on the old homestead, and died some years since. 

John Maynard was a freeman in 1644. It is supposed 
he was married when he came to this country, and that he 
brought with him his son John, who was then about eight 
years old. Perhaps there were other children. He married 
for his second wife Mary Axdell, in 1646. He had by this 


marriage Zachery (born June 7, 1647), Elizabeth, Lydia, 
Hannah, and Mary who married Daniel Hudson. Mr. May- 
nard was one of the petitioners for Marlboro, and died at Sud- 
bury, Dec. 10, 1672. The Maynard family has been promi- 
nent in the town, and honorably connected with its annals. 
Nathaniel Maynard was captain of a company in the Rev- 
olutionary War. 

Joseph Tainter (or Tayntor) was born in England in 
1613. He sailed for America in 1638. He was at Sudbury 
for a short time, where he married Mary Guy (or Gray) 
about 1640, and where for a time he was a selectman. He 
died in 1690, aged eighty-six ; and his wife in 1705, also 
aged eighty-six. He had nine children, four of whom were 

Robert Fordum (or Fordham) was from Southampton, 
L. I., and may have come to this country about 1640. He 
was for a short time at Cambridge. His wife's name was 
Elizabeth, and he had two children. He died September, 

Thomas Joslin (Joslyn or Jslyn) came from London, in 
1635, on the ship " Increase." He was aged forty-three, and 
by occupation a husbandman. His wife's name was Rebecca, 
and her age was forty-three. He had five children, Rebecca, 
Dorothy, Nathaniel, Elizabeth and Mary. He was for a time 
at Hingham, and in 1654 at Lancaster. 

Richard Sanger came to America in the " Confidence." 
He was by occupation a blacksmith. In 1649 he went to 
Watertown. He married Mary, daughter of Robert Rey- 
nold of Boston. He was twice married, and had several 

Richard Bildcome came in the " Confidence," in 1638. 
He was sixteen years of age, and, according to the ship's 
passenger-list, came in the employ of Walter Haynes. 

Robert Davis (or Davies) came to America in the ship 
" Confidence," with Margaret Davis, who was perhaps his 
sister. His wife's name was Bridget. He had two daugh- 
ters, Sarah (born April 10, 1646) and Rebecca. 

Henry Prentice came from Cambridge. He was a free- 
man in 1650, and died June 9, 1654. His wife Elizabeth 


died May 13, 1643 ; and by his second wife, Joanna, he had 
six children. 

William Kerley (Carsley or Carlsly) came in the ship 
" Confidence," in 1638, and was a freeman in 1666. He 
was a man of some prominence in the colon} r , having land 
assigned him at Pedock's Island, Nantasket, in 1642. He 
was a proprietor of Marlboro in 1657, and a selectman for 
years. At one time, also, he was sent as representative. In 
1667 he was appointed by the General Court to lay out land 
between Concord, Lancaster, and Groton. His wife's name, 
as mentioned in his will, was Anna, daughter of Thomas 
King. He had three children, Mary, Sarah and Hannah. 
By his will he gave his brother Henry " his sword, belt and 
other arms; and also his military books." 

Thomas Flyn. This name is found among the earl}' pro- 
prietors, on the town books, but we conjecture it may have 
been written by mistake for Thomas Joslyn, or Jslyn. 

Thomas Axtell (or Axdell) came to this country about 
1642. He was born at Burkhamstead, Eng., in 1619. A 
brother was Col. Daniel Axtell, a soldier and officer under 
Oliver Cromwell. He commanded the guard at the trial of 
Charles I. ; for which he was put to death as a regicide, 
when Charles II. was restored. Thomas Axtell settled in 
Sudbury, and died there in 1646, at the age of twenty-seven. 
His son had land in Marlboro in 1660, married in 1665, and 
had several children. He was killed by the Indians, April 
21, 1676. His descendants were early settlers of Grafton. 

Thomas Read (or Reed) was in Sudbury as early as 1654. 
He was the son of Thomas Reed of Colchester, Essex Co., 
Eng., a carpenter; a memorandum of whose will, dated 
July, 1665, and probated 1666, was published in the "New 
England Historical and Genealogical Register," Vol. XXL, 
p. 369, August, 1867, by Mr. William S. Appleton of Boston, 
who copied it in London. By the will of Rev. Edmund 
Brown, and depositions taken in court, Thomas Read was his 
nephew; the term cousin being used for nephew (Waters). 
In the will of Thomas Read of Colchester, his son Thomas in 
America is mentioned ; also there is mention of his son-in- 
law, Daniel Bacon, who married his daughter Mary, who 


were also living in America. Other relations are also men- 
tioned, but not as being in this country. Thomas Read set- 
tled at Sudbury, in the Lanham district, on land which he 
purchased of his uncle, Rev. Edmund Brown, while he (Mr. 
Read) was in England. This locality was probably called Lan- 
ham by Rev. Edmund Brown, from a little place in England 
spelled Lavenham, but pronounced Lannam, near Sudbury, 
or between Sudbury and Bury St. Edmunds, about which 
locality Mr. Brown and Mr. Read are supposed to have 
come from, and from which place Mary Goodrich, the wife 
of Thomas Read, the son of Thomas Read of Lanham, came. 
Thomas Read, the older in this country, married for his first 
wife Catherine, and for his second wife Arrabella. He had 
one son, whose name was Thomas; and in the two following 
generations there were but two children, both sons, and both 
also named Thomas, the last being born in 1678. Thomas 
of this latter date had five children, Nathaniel (born 1762), 

Thomas (born ), Isaac (born 1704), Daniel (born 

1714), and Joseph (born 1722). Nathaniel settled in War- 
ren ; Thomas and Daniel settled in Rutland, Mass.; Isaac 
and Joseph remained in Sudbury. Joseph had one son 
named Joseph (born 1773), who married Olive Mossman of 
Sudbury, who died there March 9, 1877, at the age of ninety- 
seven, being at the time of her death the oldest person in 
town. By the death of Joseph Read the last of the descend- 
ants bearing the family name ceased to be residents of Sud- 
bury ; but descendants bearing other names have long lived 
there, among whom were his daughters Sybel, wife of J. P. 
Allen ; Almira, wife of George Heard ; Sarah, wife of D. L. 
Willis ; and Maria, wife of Martin N. Hudson. Mr. Joseph 
Read and wife are buried in Wadsworth Cemetery, in the 
family lot of A. S. Hudson, a grandson. Thomas Read was 
a prominent citizen of Sudbury. He was early appointed 
one of the tything-men, and in 1677 he was one of the per- 
sons to whom the town gave leave to build a saw-mill upon 
Hop Brook. (See period 1675-1700.) His place at Lan- 
ham was for many years in the family, and his descendants 
have been widely scattered and useful citizens. (See chapter 
on Lanham District.) Says the historian of Rutland of the 


descendants of the Sudbury Reads, who settled there: "This 
family of Reads have been useful and industrious inhabitants 
of Rutland for one hundred and twenty years." Asahel 
Read was one of the two Sudbury soldiers who were killed 
at the battle of Concord and Lexington. (See Revolution- 
ary Period.) For the space of about two centuries the name 
of Read is connected with the annals of Sudbury. One of 
the descendants of Nathaniel Read who settled at Warren 
is Alanson Read, Jr., a well-known citizen of Chicago, and 
one of the proprietors of Read's "Temple of Music." He 
has been lately engaged in preparing a history of the Read 

John Moore was at Sudbury by 1643, and may have 
come to America from London in the *' Planter," in 1635, at 
the age of twenty -four, or he may have arrived in 1638. He 
was twice married, his first wife's name being Elizabeth, and 
he had several children. His second wife was Ann, daugh- 
ter of John Smith. His daughter Mary married Richard 
Ward, and Lydia (born June 24, 1643) married, in 1664, 
Samuel Wright. In 1642 he bought the house-lot of 
Edmund Rice. In 1645 he bought of John Stone "his 
house-lot, with all other land belonging to the said John 
Stone that shall hereafter be due to the said John Stone by 
virtue of his first right in the beginning of the plantation of 
Sudbury; and also all the fences that is now standing about 
any part of the said land, and also all the board and shelves 
that are now about the house, whether fast or loose, and now 
belonging to the said house." (Town Records, Vol.1 ., p. 54.) 
The Moore family have long been numerous in Sudbury, 
members of it living on both sides of the river, and at times 
taking prominent part in the affairs of the town, Ephraim 
Moore, who lived in the west part, was major of the Second 
Battalion of Rifles, M. V. M. 

Thomas Bisbig Besbedge (or Bessbeck) came to America 
in the ship " Hercules, in 1635, with six children and three 
servants. He embarked at Sandwich, County of Kent. He 
went to Sudbury, joined the church there, and afterwards 
went to Duxbury. He subsequently came back to Sudbury, 
where he died March 9, 1674. He left a will, which was 


dated Nov. 25, 1672, and probated April 1, 1674. In this 
will he directed that his body be buried "at the east end of 
the church ; " and he gives to his grandson, Thomas Brown, 
the eldest son of his daughter Mary, wife of William Brown, 
all the houses and lands in the parishes of Hedcorn and Frit- 
tenden, County of Kent, Eng. ; and he mentions his great- 
grandchildren, Mary, Patience and Thankful, daughters of 
the said Thomas Brown, also other children of this daughter 
Mary, of whom there were seven. 

Thomas Plympton (or Plimpton) was at Sudbury by 
1643. He may have come to America in the ship " Jona- 
than," which sailed from London, for Boston, April 12, 1639, 
bringing among its passengers Elizabeth Pbympton and Peter 
Noyes. Sometime before 1649 he was in the employ of Mr. 
Noyes, as is shown by the following record: "Peter Noyes, 
Sr., did give unto Thomas Plympton, once his servant, the 
sum of six acres of meadow, of his third addition of meadow 
lying on the meadow called Gulf Meadow, with the com- 
monage unto the same belonging. Sept. 26, 1649." (Town 
Records, p. 89.) He married Abigail, daughter of Peter 
Noyes, and had seven children, Abigail, Jane, Mary, Eliza- 
beth, Thomas, Dorothy and Peter. Thomas Plympton and 
Elizabeth, who married John Rutter, were probably brother 
and sister, as both were legatees of Agnes Bent, a grand- 
mother of Elizabeth. He was killed by the Indians, April 
20, 1676, the day before the Wadsworth fight, while he was 
engaged, tradition says, in endeavoring to bring a Mr. Boone 
and son to a garrison house. The Plympton family has been 
numerous, and members of it have been prominent in the an- 
nals of Sudbury. Thomas Plympton was -a tower of strength 
to the town in the Revolutionary War, being a member of the 
Provincial Congress, and the one to whom the news of the ap- 
proach of the British to Concord was first brought. He was 
at Concord the 19th of April, and had a bullet put through 
his clothing. (See Revolutionary period.) The old Plymp- 
ton house, a large unpainted structure, was about a mile 
from Sudbury centre, and was demolished a few years since. 

Hugh Drury was in Sudbury as early as 1641, and was 
by trade a carpenter. He married Lydia, daughter of Edmund 


Rice, for his first wife, who died April 5, 1675 ; and for his 
second wife, Mary, the widow of Rev. Edward Fletcher. 
He had two children, John and Hugh. After dwelling in 
Sudbury for a time, where he bought a house and land of 
William Swift, he removed to Boston, and died July 6, 1689, 
and was buried in the Chapel Burying-ground with his wife, 

Philemon Whale was in Sudbury in 1646. He was a 
freeman May 10, 1688, and Nov. 7, 1649, married Sarah, the 
daughter of Thomas Cakebread. His wife died Dec. 28, 
1656 ; and Nov. 9, 1657, he married Elizabeth Griffin. He 
owned land in various parts of the town, but his early home 
is supposed to have been not far from the head of the mill- 
pond (Wayland), perhaps by the present Concord road. He 
afterwards built a house in the neighborhood of the " Rice 
Spring." A culvert or bridge at the head of the mill-pond 
is still called Whale's Bridge ; but the name, except as it is 
thus perpetuated, is now seldom heard within the limits of 
the town. 

John Smith was at Sudbury in 1647. He may have been 
John Smith, an early settler of Watertown, or a relative of 
his. His wife's name was Sarah. He had assigned him lot 
No. 29 in the second squadron of the two-mile grant. The 
name Smith has been a common one in town. Capt. Joseph 
Smith commanded a company from Sudbury on the 19th of 
April, 1775. The Smiths have lived in various parts of the 
town, and were early settlers of what is now Maynard, the 
names of Amos and Thomas Smith being prominent among 
the pioneers of that part of Sudbury territory. A descend- 
ant of the Smiths on the east side of the river is Mr. Elbridoe 
Smith, formerly principal of the Norwich Free Academy and 
present master of the Dorchester High School. 

Thomas Buckmaster (or Buckminster) it is supposed 
was of the family of John of Peterborough, Northampton- 
shire, Eng. He was a freeman in 1646, and was at one time 
at Scituate and afterwards at Boston. His wife's name was 
Joanna, and he had several children. He died Sept. 28, 
1656. Descendants of the family early went to Framing- 
ham, and have been numerous and prominent. One was 


Col. Joseph, an officer in the French and Indian War period. 
Another was Major Lawson, who was in the Revolutionary 
War. A third, and one well known, was Thomas, a tavern- 
keeper, deacon and selectman ; and another was William, 
who was publisher and editor of " The Boston Cultivator " 
in 1839-41, and who established "The Massachusetts Plough- 

John Grout came from Watertown to Sudbury about 
1643, and about the same time came into possession of the 
Cakebread mill, and was allowed by the town " to pen water 
for the use of the mill " on land adjacent to the stream above. 
The name of his first wife was Mary, and for his second wife 
he married the widow of Thomas Cakebread. He had ten 
children, two of them by his first marriage, John (born Aug. 
8, 1641) and Mary (born Dec. 11, 1643). His children by 
his second marriage were John, Sarah (who married John 
Loker, Jr.), Joseph, Abigail (who married, in 1678, Joseph 
Curtis), Jonathan, Elizabeth (who married Samuel Allen), 
Mary (who married Thomas Knapp), and Susanna (who 
married John Woodward). 

Thomas Cakebread was from Watertown, and became a 
freeman May 14, 1634. In 1637 he married Sarah, daughter 
of Nicholas Busby. He was for a while at Dedham, and 
subsequently at Sudbury, where he died Jan. 4, 1643. He 
erected the first mill at Sudbury, for which the town granted 
him lands. (See chapter on First Church, Meeting-house, 
Mill, etc.) The Colony Records state that, in 1642, "Ensign 
Cakebread was to lead the Sudbury company." His widow 
married Capt. John Grout, and his daughter Mary married 
Philemon Whale, at Sudbury, Nov. 1, 1649. 

John Rediat lived at Sudbury for a time. He became an 
original proprietor at Marlboro, and at the assignment of 
house-lots he received twenty-two and one-half acres. He 
had one child born in Sudbury, in 1652. He died April 7, 

John Waterman came to this country in the ship "Jona- 
than," and landed at Boston, 1639. His passage was paid 
by Mr. Peter Noyes, and hence it is supposed he was in his 
employ. No descendants of this name live in Sudbury, and 


we have found nothing to designate the former dwelling- 
place of this early inhabitant. 

Goodman Witherell early received land in the town. 
His name is mentioned in the list of those who received land 
in one of the divisions of meadow. 

John George. We have found no facts relative to the 
genealogy of this early grantee, and the name is not familiar 
in Sudbury. He was in the town as early as 1644. 

Thomas King was at Sudbury near 1650. In 1655 he 
married Bridget Davis. He owned land in the fourth squad- 
ron of the two-mile grant, his lot being No. 50, and adjoining 
the cow-pen in the southwest part of Sudbury. (See chapter 
on periods 1650-75.) He was one of the petitioners for the 
plantation of Marlboro, in 1656, and was on the first board 
of selectmen of that town. 

Peter King was at Sudbury not far from 1650. He was 
a man of some prominence in the town, being a deacon of 
the church, and a representative to the Colonial Court in 
1689-90. He was one of the contracting parlies for the 
erection of the second meeting-house. Peter King's home- 
stead was probably not far from the town bridge, on the east 
side of the river, a place on the river not far from this point 
being still called "King's Pond." The name King was often 
spoken in earlier times in the town ; but perhaps not in the 
memory of any now living have any descendants of these 
early inhabitants, of this name, lived there. 

James Pendleton was a son of Brian, and came from 
Watertown. His wife, whose name was Mary, died Nov. 7, 
1655, and he married for a second wife Hannah, daughter of 
Edmund Goodnow, at Sudbury, April 29, 1656. By his 
first marriage he had one son, James (born Nov. 1, 1650), 
and by his second marriage he had Brian, Joseph, Edmund, 
Ann, Caleb and James. He was one of the founders of the 
first church at Portsmouth, in 1671. He lived at Stoning- 
ton in 1674-8, and at Westerly in 1586-1700. He acquired 
the title of captain, and served in Philip's war. 

John Woodward, at the age of thirteen, came to this 
country in the ship " Elizabeth," in 1634. He was accom- 
panied by his father, and was for a time at Watertown. His 


wife's name was Mary, and they had a son, horn March 20, 
1650, who it is supposed died young. He went to Sudbury, 
where his wife died July 8, 1654. He afterwards moved to 
Charlestown, and there married Abigail, daughter of John 
Benjamin, widow of Joshua Stubbs. He returned to Sud- 
bury, and by his second marriage he had three children, 
Rose (born Aug. 18, 1659), John (born Dec. 12, 1661), and 
Abigail. He was a freeman 1690, and died at Watertown, 
Feb. 17, 1696. John Woodward received in the division of 
the two-mile grant lot No. 41, adjoining that of John Moore, 
in the fourth squadron. The name appeared from time to 
time in the earlier annals of Sudbury, but has for many years 
ceased to be as familiar to the town's people as formerky. 
Daniel Woodward, who died in 1760, built a mill on Hop or 
Wash Brook in 1740, and about one hundred and fifty years 
ago he also erected the house occupied by Capt. James Moore, 
who is one of his descendants. 

Shadrach (or Sydrach) Hapgood, at the age of fourteen, 
embarked at Gravesend, Eng., for America, May 30, 1656, on 
the ship " Speedwell," Robert Locke, master. He settled in 
Sudbury, and married Elizabeth Treadway, Oct. 21, 1664. 
He was killed in the Nipnet country, near Brookfield, in an 
expedition against the Indians under the command of Capt. 
Hutchinson. (See chapter on Philip's War.) He left three 
or more children, one of whom, Thomas, was born in Sud- 
bury, Oct. 1, 1669. He settled in the northeast part of 
Marlboro, at which place he died Oct. 4, 1765, aged ninety- 
five. He left nine children, ninety-two grandchildren, two 
hundred and eight great-grandchildren, and four great-great- 

Edward Wright was perhaps a son of the Widow Doro- 
thy Wright, and may have come to Sudbury with her. He 
married Hannah Axtell (or Adell), June 18, 1659, who died 
Ma} r 18, 1708. He had eight children, one of whom was 
Capt. Samuel Wright, one of the prominent settlers of Rut- 
land, and conspicuous in one of the Indian wars, having 
charge of a company of rangers, and doing good service on 
the frontier. Edward Wright died at Sudbury, Aug. 7, 1703. 


Method of Acquiring Territory. — Character and Jurisdiction of the 
Massachusetts Bay Colony. — Colonial Court. — Response to the 
Petition for a Plantation at Sudbury. — Successive Land Grants. — 
Purchase of Territory. — Indian Deeds. — Incorporation of the 
Town. — Name. — Sketch of Sudbury, Eng. — Town Boundaries. 

We have no title-deeds to house or lands; 

Owners and occupants of earlier dates 
From graves forgotten stretch their dusty hands, 

And hold in mortmain still their old estates. 


Before considering the successive steps in the settlement 
of the town, we will notice the methods by which the set- 
tlers became possessed of the territory. There were two 
parties with which contracts were to be made, namely, the 
Colonial Court and the Indian owners of the land. To ignore 
either would invalidate their claim. From the former it was 
essential to obtain a permit to make a settlement, to sell out 
and remove from Watertown, to secure the appointment of a 
committee to measure and lay out the land ; and from the 
Indians they were to purchase the territory. 

In order to obtain a right knowledge of the matter before 
us, it is important to consider, first, the authority and nature 
of the Colony of the Massachusetts Bay. King James of 
England claimed by right of discovery all the continent of 
North America. In the eighteenth year of his reign, he 
transferred a portion of this to a company called " The 
Colony of Plymouth in the County of Devon, for the plant- 
ing, ruling, ordering and governing of New England in 
America." " The territory conveyed was all that part of 
America lying and being in breadth from forty degrees to 
forty-eight V^rees of north latitude, and in length of and 



within all the breadth aforesaid through the mainland from 
sea to sea." And a condition upon which the conveyance 
was made was, that " the grantees should yield and pay 
therefor the fifth part of the ore of gold and silver which 
should happen to be found in any of the said lands." From 
this " Council of Plymouth in the County of Devon " a com- 
pany, in 1628, purchased a tract of territory defined as being 
" three miles north of any and every part of the Merrimac 
River," and " three miles north of any and every part of 
the Charles River," and extending westward to the Pacific 
Ocean. Some of the chief men of this company were John 
Humphry, John Endicott, Sir Henry Roswell, Sir George 
Young, Thomas Southcoote, Simon Whitcomb, John Win- 
thrope, Thomas Dudley and Sir Richard Saltonstall. 

The proprietors received a charter from the King, March 
14, 1629, and were incorporated by the name of " the Gov- 
ernor and Company of the Massachusetts Bay in New Eng- 
land." The government of this company was vested in a 
governor, deputy governor and eighteen assistants, who were 
to be elected annually by the stockholders of the corporation. 
A general assembly of the freemen of the colony (see chap- 
ter on Town-meetings) was to be held once in four years at 
the least, for purposes of legislation. The king claimed no 
jurisdiction, since he regarded the affair, not as the founding 
of a nation or state, but as the incorporation of a trading 
establishment. But, although the common rights of British 
subjects were conferred upon these Massachusetts Bay colo- 
nists, a broader and better basis was soon to be adopted. 
In September, 1629, the members of the new company, at a 
meeting in Cambridge, Eng., signed an agreement to trans- 
fer the charter and government to the colonists. Upon this 
desirable change, enterprising men set sail for- this country, 
and soon that portion of it now Salem and Boston was 
smiling with settlements that were founded by persons of 
marked character and intelligence. In May, 1631, it was 
decided, at an assembly of the people, that all the officers of 
the government should thereafter be chosen by the freemen 
of the colony; and in 1634 the government was changed to 
a representative government, the second of the kind in 


America. This government had its court, to which dele- 
gates were sent by the people, called " The Great and Gen- 
eral Court of the Massachusetts Colony." 

By the authority of a Court thus established, land grants 
were allowed the New England colonists. Some of these 
grants were to companies who designed to establish towns, 
and some to individuals, for considerations that the court saw 
fit to recognize. In the former case, certain conditions were 
imposed, namely, that the place sought should be settled 
within a specified time, that a certain number of settlers 
should go there, and that a church should be established and 
the gospel ministr} r maintained. These land grants were 
usually preceded by a petition, stating the object for which 
the land tract was sought, and perhaps reasons why the 
court should allow it. The territory of Sudbury was in 
part granted to the people collectively who formed the plan- 
tation and established the town, and in part to individuals. 
The grants to the former were allowed at three different 
times, and were preceded by three different petitions. The 
first petition met with a response. Nov. 20, 1637, of which 
the following is a copy : — 

" Whereas a great part of the chief inhabitants of Water- 
town have petitioned this Court, that in regard to their 
straitness of accommodation, and want of meadow, they 
might have leave to remove and settle a plantation upon 
the river, which runs to Concord, this Court, having respect 
to their necessity, doth grant their petition, and it is hereby 
ordered, that Lieut. (Simon) Willard, Mr. (William) Spen- 
cer, Mr. Joseph Weld and Mr. (Richard) Jackson shall take 
view of the places upon said river, and shall set out a place 
for them by marks and bounds sufficient for fifty or sixty 
families, taking care that it be so set out as it may not hinder 
the settling of some other plantation upon the same river, if 
there be meadow, and other accommodations sufficient for 
the same. And it is ordered, further, that if the said inhabi- 
tants of Watertown, or any of them, shall not have removed 
their dwellings to their said new plantation, before one year 
after the plantation shall be sot out, that then the interest of 


all such persons, not so removed to the said plantation, shall 
be void and cease, and it shall be lawful for such as are 
removed and settled there, or the greater part of them, being 
freemen, to receive other persons to inhabit in their rooms, 
in the said plantation ; provided, that if there shall not be 
thirty families at least there settled before the said time lim- 
ited, that then this Court, or the Court of Assistants, or two 
of the Council, shall dispose of the said plantation to any- 
other. And it is further ordered, that after the place of the 
said plantation shall be set out, the said petitioners, or any 
such other freemen as shall join them, shall have power to 
order the situation of their town, and the proportioning of 
lots, and all other liberties as other towns have under the 
proviso aforesaid. And it is lastly ordered, that such of the 
said inhabitants of Watertown, as shall be accommodated in 
their new plantation, may sell their houses and improved 
grounds in Watertown ; but all the rest of the land in Water- 
town, not improved, shall remain freely to the inhabitants, 
which shall remain behind, and such others as shall come to 

"And the said persons appointed to set out the said plan- 
tation, are directed so to set out the same, as there may be 
1500 acres of meadow allowed to it, if it be there to be had, 
with any convenience, for the use of the town." (Colony 
Records, Vol. I., p. 210.) 

A further record of Court action, dated March 12, 1637-8, 
is as follows : — 

"The Court thinketh meet that they (of Watertown) 
should have liberty to sell their allotments in Watertown, 
and they are to give their full answer the next Court, 
whether they will remove to the new plantation and John 
Oliver put in the room of Richard Jackson, for to lay out 
the said plantation, which they are to do before the next 

The Court having granted the request for a plantation at 
Sudbury, allowed the petitioners to go on with their work, 


and appointed a committee to establish the bounds and 
make an allotment of land, as set forth by the following 
record : — 

"At Gennall Court held at Boston the 6 th Day of the 
7 th Month, a 1638 [Sept. 6, 1638]. 

" The petitioners M r Pendleton, M r Noyse, M r Brown, and 
Comp a , are allowed to go on in their plantation, & such as 
are associated to them and Lift. Willard, Thomas Bro 
[Brown] and M r John Oliver are to set out the bounds of 
the said plantation & they are alowed 4 s a day, each of them 
& M r John Oliver 5 sh s a day, to bee borne by the new plan- 
tation. And the petitioners are to take care that in their 
alotments of land they have respect as well to men's estates 
& abilities to improve their lands, as to their number of per- 
sons ; and if any difference fall out the Court or the couusell 
shall order it." (Colony Records, Vol. I., p. 238.) 

The land first appropriated was supposed to comprise a 
tract about five miles square. It had for boundaries Concord 
on the north, Watertown (now Weston) on the east, and on 
the south a line running from a point a little east of Nobscot 
Hill along the present Framingham and Sudbury boundary 
direct to the Weston town bound, and on the west a line 
two miles east of the present western boundary. 

The second grant was of an additional mile. This was 
allowed, to make up a deficiency in the first grant, which defi- 
ciency was discovered on making a survey a few years after 
the settlement began, and it was petitioned for May 13, 1640. 
The petition was for a mile in length on the southeast and 
southwest sides of the town ; and it was allowed on condition 
that it would not prevent the formation of another plantation, 
" or hinder Mrs. Glover's farm of six hundred acres formerly 
granted." (Colony Records, Vol. I., p. 289.) 

The third tract was granted in 1649. It contained an area 
two miles wide, extending along the entire length of the west- 
ern boundary. The Colony Record concerning this grant is : 
"That Sudberry is granted two miles westward next adjoin- 
ing to them for their furth r inlargement, provided it [preju- 


dice] not W m Browne in his 200 acres already granted." (Vol. 
II., p. 273). 

Besides these three grants, there were others made to indi- 
viduals. One of these was to William Browne, of which the 
record is as follows: "In answer to the petition of W m Browne 
ffor two hundred ac rs dew for twenty five pounds putt into 
the joynet stocke by M rs Ann Harvey his Aunt, from whom 
he made it appear to the Court he had sufficyent deputacon 
to require it, his request was grannted ; viz., 200 ac rs of land 
to be layed out to him w th out the west lyne of Sudbury by 
Capt. Simon Willard & Seargeant Wheeler." This land was 
easterly of Nobscot Hill, and about the locality where the 
Browns have since lived. 

Another grant was the Glover Farm, situated on the town's 
southerly border. This tract was largely in the territory of 
Framingham. It consisted of six hundred acres, granted to 
Elizabeth, the widow of Rev. Josse Glover. Mr. Glover, 
rector of Sutton, Eng., in the June of 1638 made a contract 
with Steven Day, a printer, to come over at his expense, 
designing to set up a printing-press in Cambridge, the seat 
of the university. Shortly afterward he embarked for this 
country, but died on the passage, and was buried at sea. 
Mr. Glover had aided the colonists in various ways, and by 
his death they lost a valuable friend. This land tract may 
have been given to his widow in recognition of service 
received. It lay westerly and northerly of Cochituate Pond, 
extending to the northeast corner of Dudley Pond, thence to 
the Sudbury old town bound ; being bounded on the west by 
the river, and on the south by Cochituate Brook. 

Another grant was that of the "Dunster Farm," some- 
times called the "Pond Farm." This was a tract of six 
hundred acres, granted, in 1640, to Henry Dunster, first 
president of Harvard College, who in 1641 married Mrs. 
Elizabeth Glover. This farm was situated southeasterly of 
the " Glover Farm," and had Cochituate Lake for its west- 
ern boundary. 

Beyond this farm easterly was a tract of two hundred 
acres, extending towards the Weston town line, and called 


the "Jennison Farm." This was granted, in 1638, to Capt. 
William Jennison of Watertown, for service that he rendered 
in the Pequot war. It was laid out in 1646. 

Another grant was to Mr. Herbert Pelham, Sept. 4, 1639. 
This land grant was situated in the present territory of 
Way land, and was what is called " The Island." For many 
years it was mostly owned and occupied by the Heards. Mr. 
Pelham came to America in 1638, and for a time lived at 
Cambridge. Savage states that he was a gentleman from 
the county of Lincoln, and when in London, where he may 
have been a lawyer, was a friend of the colony. Governor 
Hutchinson says, " He was of that family which attained the 
highest rank in the peerage, one hundred years ago, as Duke 
of Newcastle." He was much engaged in public service, 
and put into the common stock of the colony .£100. He 
became a freeman in 1645, at which time he was chosen an 
assistant. He was the first treasurer of Harvard College in 
1743. In 1645 Herbert Pelham, Thomas Flynt, Lieutenant 
Willard and Peter Noyes were appointed commissioners of 
sewers " for bettering and improving of y e ground upon 
y e river running by Concord and Sudbury " (Colony Rec- 
ords, Vol. III., p. 13). He returned to England in 1649, 
and resided at Buers Hamlet, County of Essex. He died 
in England, and was buried at Bury St. Mary's, in Suffolk 
County, July 1, 1673. By his will, dated Jan. 1, 1672, he 
gave his lands in Sudbury to his son Edward. His daughter 
Penelope married, in 1657, Gov. Josiah Winslow. "Pelham's 
Island" was sold in 1711 by the Pelhams, who were then 
in Newport, R. I., to Isaac Hunt and Samuel Stone, Jr., who 
in November of that year sold a part of it to Jonathan and 
George Read. 

Land was also granted to Mr. Walgrave, who was father- 
in-law of Herbert Pelham. The Records state concerning 
both of these men that ''they are granted their lots at Sud- 
bury absolutely w th condition of dwelling there only Mr. 
Pelham p mised to build a house there, settle a family there 
and to be there as much as he could in the summer time." 
(Colony Records, Vol. I., p. 292). 


The Colonial Court as a rule did not interfere with the 
disposition of the lands granted. It held in reserve the 
power to adjust any difficulties, and to see that the condi- 
tions on which a township was allowed were kept. 

As has been already observed, the Court was not the 
only party with which the settlers had to deal if they would 
obtain indisputable titles to their estates. While the Eng- 
lish claimed the country by right of discovery, there were 
those who held it by right of ancient hereditary posses- 
sion, and the English were in justice called upon to recog- 
nize this right, and purchase the territory of the native pro- 

This was done by the Sudbury settlers. The first tract 
for the plantation was purchased in 1638 of Karte, the Indian 
proprietor (see Chapter II.), and it has been supposed that 
a deed was given ; but this is not essential as evidence of the 
purchase, since in the deed given by Karte for land subse- 
quently bought he acknowledged the sale of the first tract, 
in the statement that it was sold to " George Munnings and 
to the rest of the planters of Sudbury." In this first bar- 
gain of real estate it is supposed that Mr. Munnings acted as 
agent for the settlers, and that he, together with Brian Pen- 
dleton, advanced the money for payment. 

The second tract was also purchased of Karte, who gave a 
deed, of which the following is a true copy : — 


Bee it known vnto all men by these presents that I Cato otherwise 
Goodman for & in consideration of fyve pounds w ch I have received in 
commodities & wompumpeage of Walter Hayne & Hugh Griffin of Sud- 
bury in behalf of themselves & the rest of the planters of Sudbury; doe 
this my write in give & grant bargain & sell vnto the said Walter Hayne 
— (Haine) — & Hugh Griffin & the said planters of the town of Sudbury 
so much land southward & so much land westward next adjoining to a 
tract of land w fh I said Cato formerly souled vnto George Munnings & 
the rest of the planters of Sudbury as may make the bounds of the said 
town to be full fyve miles square w th all meadows, brooks, liberties privi- 
ledges & appertenances thereto belonging w th all the said tract of land 
granted. And I grant vnto them for me & mine heirs & brethren that I 
& they shall & will at any tyme make any further assurance in writing 
for the more p'fct assuring of the s'd land & all the premises w th the 


appertenances vnto the s'd Walter Haine & Hugh Griffin & the s d plant- 
ers & their succssors forever as they shall require. 

In witness whereof I herevnto put my hand & seal the twentieth day 
of the fourth month one thousand six hundred forty eight. 

Signed sealed and delivered in the presence of 

Emmanuel Downing 

Ephraim Child 

Cutchamckin [mark] ) , . , c ~ . 

,i J r brothers of Cato 

Jojenny [mark] > 

This deed was sealed & acknowledged by the s d Cato (who truly under- 
stood the contents of it the day & year above written) Before mee. 

John Winthrop, Governor. 

Registry of Deeds 

Suffolk Co. Mass. 

The deed for the land last granted, or the two-mile tract 
to the westward, is on record at the Middlesex Registry of 
Deeds, Cambridge, of which the following is a true copy : 

For as much as the Gen 1 Court of the Massachusetts Colony in New 
England hath formerly granted to the Towne of Sudbury in the County 
of Middlesex in the same Colony, an addition of land of two miles west- 
ward of their former grant of five miles, which is also layd out & joyneth 
to it: and whereas the English occupiers, proprietors and possessors 
thereof have chosen Capt. Edmond Goodenow, Leif Josiah Haynes, 
John Goodenow, John Brigham & Joseph Freeman to be a comittee for 
themselvs & for all the rest of the English proprietors thereof, giving 
them their full power to treat with & to purchase the same of the Indian 
proprietors of the s d tract of land & to satisfy & pay them for their 
native, ancient & hereditary right title & intrest thereunto. 

Know all People by these presents — That wee, Jehojakim, John 
Magus, John Muskqua & his two daughters Esther & Rachel, Benjamen 
Bohue, John Speen & Sarah his wife, James Speen, Dorothy Wennetoo, & 
Humphry Bohue her son, Mary Neppamun, Abigail the daughter of Josiah 
Harding, Peter Jethro, Peter Muskquamogh, John Boman, David Man- 
roan & Betty who are the ancient native & hereditary Indian proprietors 
of the afores d two miles of land (for & in consideration of the just & full 
sum of twelve pounds of current mony of New England to them in hand 
well & truly paid at or before the ensealing & delivery hereof by the said 
Cap 1 Edmond Goodenow, Leift. Josiah Haines, John Goodenow, John 
Brigham & Joseph Freeman in behalfe of themselvs & of the rest of the 
English possessors, occupiers, proprietors & fellow-purchasers) the receipt 
whereof they do hereby acknowledge & therwith to be fully satisfied, 
contented & paid & thereof and of every part & parcell thereof they do 



hereby for themselvs & their heyrs Executors Administrators & assigns 
clearly fully & absolutely release, acquitt exonerate & discharge them & 
all the English possessors, occupiers, proprietors & fellow-purchasers of 
the same & all & every one of their heyrs Executors, Administrators, 
Assigns & successors forever) Have given, granted, bargained, sold, 
aliened, enseossed, made over & confirmed, & by these presents, do give, 
grant, bargain, sell, alien, enseosse, make over, confirme & deliver all that 
their s d tract & parcells of lands of two miles (bee it more or less scitu- 
ate lying & being) altogether in one entire parcell in the s d Town of Sud- 
bury in the County of Middlesex afores d & lyeth al along throughout on 
the westerne side of the old five miles of the s d Towne & adjoyneth 
thereunto (together with the farme lands of the heyrs of William Browne 
that lyeth within the same tract, unto the s d Capt. Edmond Goodenow, 
Leif Josiah Haines, John Goodenow, John Brigham & Joseph Freeman 
& unto all & every one of the rest of the English possessors, occupiers, 
proprietors & fellow-purchasers thereof as the same is limited, butted & 
bounded on the East by the old part of the s d Towne of Sudbury (which 
was the five miles at first granted to the s d Towne) & is butted & bounded 
northerly by the line or bounds of the Towne of Concord, Westerly by 
the line or bounds of the Towne of Stow & is bounded southerly & partly 
westerly by the lands of M r Thomas Danforth. All the lands within 
said bounds of hills, vallies planes, intervalls, meadows, swamps, with 
all the timber, trees, woods, underwoods, grass & herbage, rocks, stones, 
mines, mineralls, with all rivers, rivoletts brooks, streams, springs, ponds 
& all manner of watercourses & whatsoever is therein & thereupon, above 
ground & underground, with all rights members, titles, royaltyes, liber- 
tyes priviledges, proprietyes, uses, proffitts & commodityes thereof & 
every part & parcell thereof & that is every way & in any wise thereunto 
belonging and appertaining. To Have, Hold, use, occupie, pos- 
sess enjoy to the only absolute propper use benefitt, behoofe and dis- 
pose of them the s d English possessors, occupiers proprietors & fellow- 
purchasers of the Towne of Sudbury & their heyrs executors, adminis- 
trators assigns & successors in a free full & perfect estate of inheritance 
from the day of the date hereof & so for ever. And the above named 
indian Grantors do also hereby covenant promise & grant to & with the 
above named Edmond Goodenow, Josiah Haynes, John Goodnow John 
Brigham & Joseph Freeman & with all the rest of the Knglish possessors, 
occupiers, proprietors & fellow-purchasers of the said two miles of land 
(bee it more or less) as above bounded that at the ensealing & delivery 
hereof, they are the only & absolute Indian proprietors of the premises 
& that they (& none else) have just and full power in themselvs the same 
thus to sell, convey confirme make over & deliver & they do hereby 
engage & bind themselvs & their heyrs executors administrators & 
assigns from time to time & at all times hereafter fully & sufficiently to 
secure save harmless & forever defend the hereby granted & bargained 
two miles of land (as is above bounded bee it more or less) with all the 
rights, members & appurtenances there unto belonging, against all man- 


ner & singular other titles troubles charges demands & incumbrances 
that may be made or raysed by any person or persons (especially Indian 
or Indians) else whatsoever lawfully having or claiming any right, title or 
intrest in or to the premises or to any part or parcell thereof to the trou- 
ble vexation charges interruption or ejection of the above sd English pos- 
sessors, occupiers, proprietors or fellow-purchasers of the same or any 
one of them, they or any one of their heyrs executors administrators or 
assigns in his or their quiet and peaceable possession free & full use 
enjoyment or dispose thereof or any part or parcell thereof forever- 
Furthermore wee the above named Indian Grantors do hereby 
oblige & engage ourselvs all and every one of our heyrs executors 
Adm rs assigns & successors unto the s d English possessors occupiers & 
proprietors & fellow-purchasers & to all and every one of their heyrs 
executors administraters and assigns that wee and every one of us & 
ours as afores d shall & will from time to time & at all times readily & 
effectually do (at our own propper costs & charges) or cause to be so 
done any other or further act or acts thing or things that the law doth 
or may require for more sure making & full confirming of all & singu- 
lar the hereby granted premises unto the s d Edmond Goodenow, Josiah 
Haines, John Goodenow, John Brigham & Joseph Freeman & unto all 
& every one of the" rest of the English possessors, occupiers proprietors 
and fellow-purchasers of the premises & unto all & every one of their 
heyrs executors administrators and assigns for ever. In Witness 
whereof the above named Indian Grantors have hereunto each for them" 
selvs & altogether sett their hands and seals, dated the 11 th day of July 
in the year of our Lord God one thousand six hundred eighty & four. 
Annoqe Regni Regis Caroli Secundi XXXVI. 

Jehojakim his mark X for himselfe & by order of & for John 
Boman & seale. O 

John Magos for himselfe & by order of & for Jacob Magos his 
father & seale. O 

Muskqua John & for his two daughters Rachel & Esther 
& seale. O 

John Speen his marke | & for & by order of Sarah his wife 
& seale. O 

Abigail Daughter of Josiah Harding and his sole heyr (£=< her 
marke & seale. O 

Sarah C her marke who is the widdow of Josiah Harding & 
mother of s d Abigail & her Guardian. 

Peter Muskquamog -J- his mark & seale. O 

Benjamen Bohew his R marke & seale. O 

Dorithy Wenneto her O marke & seale. O 

Mary Nepamun he Q marke & seale. O 

Betty her ) marke & seale 

Peter Jethro & a seale 

John x Boman his marke & seale 

James Speen & seale 


Cambe 15 Octo b 1684 All the persons that have signed & sealed this 
instrument appeared before me this day & year above written & freely 
acknowledged this writing to be their act & deed 

Daniel Gookin Sen r Assist. 

Endorsement — All the Grantors of the instrument within written 
beginning with Jehojakim & ending with Peter Muskquamog did sign 
seale &' deliver s d instrument in presence of us. 

John Greene — James Bernard — 

Moreover wee underwritten did see Benjamen Bohew Dorothy Wan- 
neto & Mary & Betty Nepamun signe seale & deliver this instrument 
the 15 th day of Octo b 1684. Andrew Pittamee ^[ his marke 

James Rumny marke 
Samuel Goff, James Barnard 
Daniel Sacowambatt 

Feb r 1, 1684 Memorandum — Wee whose names are underwritten 
did see Peter Jethro signe & seale & deliver y e within written instrument 
James Barnard — Stephen fjfj Gates his marke 

Peter Jethro, Indian, appeared before me the fifth day of February — 
1684 & freely acknowledged this writing within to be his act & deed & 
ythe put his hand & seale thereunto. Daniel Gookin Sen r Affift 

John Boman did signe seale & deliver the within written deed the 23 : 
of February in the year our Lord one thousand six hundred eighty & 
four in presence of us 

John Balcom — -f- Samuel Freeman his marke. 

James Speen & John Bowman appeared before me in court at Natick 
& acknowledged they have signed & sealed this instrument among others 
May 13 th 1684. James Gookin Sen r Affist 

Roxbury April 16. 85. 

Charles Josias, Sachem of the Massachusetts, having read & consid- 
ered the within written deed with the consent of his Guardians & Coun- 
cellors underwritten doth for himself & his heyrs allow of, ratify & 
confirm the within written sale to the Inhabitants of Sudbury & their 
heyrs for ever, the lands therein bargained & sold. To have & to hold 
to the s'd Inhabitants of Sudbury their heyrs and assigns for ever & hath 
hereunto set his hand & seale the day above written. 

Charls yi Josias his marke & Seale 

Allowed by us \ 

William Stoughton > Guardians to j 

Joseph Dudley ) y e Sachem \ Robert 8 Montague 

William W. Ahowton 

Recorded 19. 3. 1685 

by Tho. Danforth Recorder. 

A true copy of record Book 9 Pages 344 to 352 inclusive 

Attest Cha s B Stevens Reg. 


The above deed was not received until years after the 
grant was made by the Court, and the lands divided up and 
apportioned to the inhabitants. The records do not state 
what occasioned the long delay, but, as was the case else- 
where, perhaps the papers were not passed until, in process 
of time, the settlers questioned whether the claim to the ter- 
ritory was valid until purchased of the Indian proprietors. 
A similar instance occurred at Groton, where the deed came 
long after the lands were occupied. The grant was allowed 
by the Court as early as 1655, but no title was obtained from 
the natives till about 1683 or 1684. 

From lands thus allowed, the Plantation of Sudbury was 
formed. It required, however, more than the allowance and 
laying out of the land and the settlement of it to make it a 
town. A separate act of incorporation was necessary to com- 
plete the work. This was done September 4, 1639, when the 
Court ordered that "the newe Plantation by Concord shall 
be called Sudbury." (Colony Records, Vol. I., p. 271.) 

By the granting of the name, the act of incorporation is 
supposed to have been made complete. It was a short process 
for an act so great, yet such was the manner of the Court. 
Says Mr. Sewall, in the history of Woburn, of the incorpo- 
ration of that place, " The act of Court for this purpose is 
contained in these five words : ; Charlestown Village is called 
Wooborne.' ' The Court action in this matter was dated 
Sept. 4, 1639 ; but it does not follow that this specific day of 
the month was the exact date of incorporation, as sometimes 
the date of the beginning of the Court session was given, 
instead of the date of the particular day when the transac- 
tion took place. As, for example, we find the permit for a 
division of land to be of the same date as that on which 
Sudbury was named. 

The name ordered by the Court is that of an old English 
town in the county of Suffolk, from which some of the town's 
settlers are supposed to have come, or with which they may 
have had an acquaintance. It is situated near the parish of 
Bury St. Edmunds, at or near which place it is supposed the 
Browns may have dwelt. (See chap. Biographical Sketches.) 
It is not improbable that the name was given by Rev. Edmund 


Brown, the first minister of Sudbury, who sold lands in the 
district of Lanham to Thomas Read, his nephew, and it is 
supposed may have also named that locality from Lavenham, 
Eng., a place between Sudbury and Bury St. Edmunds. (See 
sketch of Thomas Read.) The place, though spelled Laven- 
ham, is pronounced Lannam in England (Waters). The 
proximity of Sudbury and Lavenham, Eng., to what was 
probably the original home of Mr. Brown, together with the 
fact that he was an early owner of the lands at Lanham, and 
a prominent man at the settlement, affords at least a strong 
presumption that Mr. Edmund Brown named both Sudbury 
and Lanham. It is appropriate, then, to give a sketch of this 
old English town, and we present the following from Lewis's 
Topographical Dictionary of England: — 

" Sudbury is a borough and market town, having separate 
jurisdiction locally in the hundred of Babergh, County of 
Suffolk, 22 miles (why s) from Ipswich, and 50 (N. E. by N.) 
from London, containing, according to the last census, 3950 
inhabitants, which number has since increased to nearly 5000. 
This place, which was originally called South Burgh, is of 
great antiquity, and at the period of the compilation of 
Domesday-book was of considerable importance, having a 
market and a mint. A colony of the Flemings, who were 
introduced into this country by Edward III. for the purpose 
of establishing the manufacture of woollen cloth, settled 
here, and that branch of trade continued to flourish for some 
time, but at length fell to decay. The town is situated on 
the river Stour, which is crossed by a bridge leading into 
Essex. For some years after its loss of the woollen trade it 
possessed few attractions, the houses belonging principally to 
decayed manufacturers, and the streets being very dirty ; it 
has however within the last few years been greatly improved, 
having been paved and lighted in 1825, under an act obtained 
for the purpose, and some good houses built. The town hall 
recently erected by the corporation, in the Grecian style of 
architecture, is a great ornament to the town, in which is also 
a neat theatre. The trade principally consists in the manu- 
facture of silk crape, and buntings used for ships' flags ; that 


of silk was introduced by the manufacturers from Spitalfields 
in consequence of disputes with their workmen, and now 
affords employment to a great number of persons, about one 
thousand five hundred being engaged in the silk and four 
hundred in the crape and the bunting business. The river 
Stour, navigable hence to the Manning tree, affords a facility 
for the transmission of coal, chalk, lime and agricultural 
produce. The statute market is on Saturday, and the corn 
market on Thursday. Fairs are held on the 12th of March 
and 10th of July, principally for earthen ware, glass and toys. 
The first charter of incorporation was granted by Queen 
Mary in 1554, and confirmed by Elizabeth in 1559. Another 
was given by Oliver Cromwell, but that under which the cor- 
poration derives its power was bestowed by Charles II. Sud- 
bury comprises the parishes of All Saints, St. Gregory, and 
St. Peter, in the archdeaconry of Sudbury, and diocese of 
Norwich. The living of All Saints is a discharged vicarage, 
rated in the king's books at X4.11.5J endowed, £400 royal 
bounty, and Xl^.00 parliamentary grant." 

"Quaint old town of toil and traffic, 
Quaint old town of art and song. 
Memories haunt thy pointed gables, 
Like the rooks that round them throng." 

From this description we learn that it is a stanch old town 
from whicli Sudbury probably received its name ; a place 
busy and of good repute. The word has been variously 
spelled, as : Sudberry, Soodberie, Sudwrowe, Sudborrough, 
Sudborow or, as it is called in Doomsday book, Sutburge. 

The boundaries of the town received early attention from 
the settlers, and at different dates there are records concern- 
ing it. As already stated, the southern boundary line at the 
first was from a point a little east of Nobscot, to the northern 
point of Dudley Pond ; thence, direct to Weston. That 
part of the line outside the present territory of Wayland has 
never varied much in its general character. Some slight 
changes have been made within about fifty years, by which 
a few acres have been taken from Sudbury and annexed to 
Framingham ; this was the case along the line by the Brown 


farm and the northerly slope of Nobscot. Before the altera- 
tion the line was slightly irregular, and the design may have 
been solely to straighten it. Concerning the boundary in the 
easterly part of the town's original territory, we have the 
following order of the General Court, dated June 6, 1701: — 

" Ordered that the line between Sudbury and the farms 
annexed to Framingham, as set forth in the plat exhibited 
under the hand of John Gore, be and continue the boundary 
line between the said farms and Sudbury forever, viz.: from 
the northerly end of Cochittwat pond to the bent of the river, 
by Daniel Stone's and so as the line goes to Framingham and 
Sudbury line." 

Concerning the Sudbury and Watertown boundary, the fol- 
lowing facts are recorded : " In 1649 persons were appointed 
by the town to search the records for the grant of Water- 
town, and to see if they can find any means to prevent 
Watertown from coming so near." The Colony Records 
state that a year later the Court ordered that the inhabitants 
of Sudbury should have their bounds recorded, and about 
the same time the town sent a petition to the General Court 
for a commission to lay out the boundary between the two 
towns. In 1651 a report was rendered about the boundary, 
which, with slight abridgment, is as follows: — 

"The committee appointed to lay out the Watertown 
and Sudbury boundary report that the line drawn by John 
Oliver, three years previous, called 'the old line,' shall be 
the line between the two towns, and forever stand. This 
line, beginning at Concord south bound, ran through a great 
pine swamp, a small piece of meadow to upland, and ' then 
to an angle betwixt two hills.' After the line left the afore- 
said angle on its southerly course, it had ' these remarkable 
places therein : one rock called Grout's head, and a stake by 
the cartway leading from Sudbury to Watertown, and so to 
a pine hill being short of a pond about eighty-eight rods, att 
which pine hill Sudbury bounds ends.' " (Colony Records, 
Vol. IV., page 53.) 


Such was the territory of Sudbury, the manner in which 
the lands were allowed, and the parties from whom they were 
bought. B^rom this plantation was formed the town ; and 
land divisions and allotments were subsequently made, until 
no portion of it was held by proprietary right, nor as public 
domain, but all passed into private estates except the high- 
ways and commons, and here and there a small three-cornered 


Place and Plan of Settlement. — Data of House-lots. — Description of 
Map. — Course of First Street. — Sites of Early Homesteads. — 
Historic Highway. — Time of Settlement. — Dimensions of First 
Dwelling-house. — Early Experiences of the Settlers. 

Ay, call it holy ground, 

The spot where first they trod ! 
They have left unstained what there they found — 

Freedom to worship God. 

Mrs. Hemans. 

The settlement of the town began on the east side of the 
river. The first road or street, beginning at Watertown 
(now Weston), extended along a course of about two miles, 
and by this the house-lots of the settlers were laid out and 
their humble dwellings stood. The plan of the settlement 
can, to an extent, be made out by tradition and the data of 
house-lots which are preserved on the Sudbury records, and 


which we here give in abbreviated form, the figures in paren- 
theses denoting the acres allowed : — 


Edmond Brown (80), on Timber Neck (east of Mill 
Brook, Wayland). 

John Blanford (3), north by highway to river, south by 
Joseph Taynter. 

Jos. Taynter (4), between John Blanford and Tho. Whyte. 

Tho. Whyte (4), between Hugh Griffin and Jos. Taynter. 

Hugh Griffin (4), north by Tho. Whyte, south by John 

John Howe (4), north by Hugh Griffin, south by Edmund 
Rice ; (also one acre parted from his house-lot by highway 
between Edmund Rice and Hugh Griffin ; also four on Pine 
Plain, on road from Sudbury to Watertown, west by Mrs. 

Edmund Rice (4), between John Howe and Henry Rice. 

Henry Rice (4), between Edmund Rice and John Maynard. 

John Maynard (4), between Henry Rice and highway. 

Robert Daniel (8), northwest by John Maynard and Robert 
Boardman (or Fordum). 

Robert Boardman (4), between Robert Daniel and Robert 

Robert Best (4), north by Mr. Boardman, south by John 
Loker. . 

John Loker (4), between Robert Best and Tho. Flinn 
(or Joslyn), [also (one acre) parted from his house-lot by 
the highway.] 

Tho. Flinn (4), between John Loker and John Haynes. 

John Haynes (4), north by Tho. Flinn, south by Edmund 

Edmund Goodnow (4), north by John Haynes, west by 
River Meadows. 

Wm. Brown (4), north by Edmund Goodnow, south by 
John Toll. 

John Toll (4), between Edmund Goodnow and Widow 

Widow Wright (6), between John Toll and John Bent. 


John Bent (6), between Widow Wright and John Wood. 

John Wood (4), between John Bent and Widow Hunt. 

Widow Hunt (4), between John Wood and John Good- 

John Goodnow (5), north by Widow Hunt, south by Henry 
Loker, east end on highway going to mill, and west by the 
great River Meadows. 

Henry Loker (4), between John Goodnow and John Par- 
menter, Sr. 

John Parmenter, Sr. (4), between Henry Loker and the 
highway to Bridle Point. 


John Freeman (4), on northwest corner of highwa} r leading 
to River Meadows. 

Solomon Johnson (6), east by Wm. Ward. 

Wm. Ward (20), on northeast side of Northwest Row. 

Solomon Johnson (7), between Wm. Ward and Wm. 

Wm. Pelham (50), northeast part, near Wm. Ward. 


John Rutter (4), (near clay pits). 

John Ruddick (4). 

Henry Curtis ( — ). 

John Stone (9), between Henry Curtis and Nathl. Tread- 

Nathl. Tread way ( — ), on East Street, between John Stone 
and John Knight. 

John Knight (12). 


Bryan Pendleton (5), north by Tho. Noyes south by Pond 
Brook that runs to the river. 

Tho. Noyes (4), south by Bryan Pendleton, north by Geo. 

Geo. Munning (4), between Tho. Noyes and Walter Hayne. 

Walter Hayne (6), south by Geo. Munning, north by high- 
way to Common Swamp. 



Tho. Brown (4), north by highway leading to Bridle Point, 
east by the Common, south end running to Mill Brook, west 
by Anthony White. 

Anthony Whyte (4), north by Bridle Point Road, south 
by Mill Brook. Between Tho. Brown and Win. Parker. 

Win. Parker ( — ). 

Peter Noyes (8), north by Bridle Point Road, south by 
Mill Brook. Between Wm. Parker and Thomas Goodnow. 

Tho. Goodnow (5), north by Bridle Point Road, south by 
Mill Brook. Between A. Belcher and P. Noyes. He sold 
to P. Noyes, making Noyes' lot thirteen acres. 

Andrew Belcher (4), north by Bridle Point Road, south 
by Mill Brook. Between Tho. Goodnow and Richd. Newton. 

Richard Newton (4), north by Bridle Point Road, south 
by Mill Brook. Between A. Belcher and John Parmenter, Jr. 

John Parmenter, Jr. (4). Between Richd. Newton and 
Henry Prentiss. 

Henry Prentiss (4). Between John Parmenter, Jr., and 
Herbert Pelham. 


William Kerley (4), on southwest side of " Pine Swamp," 
on highway leading to mill, northwest of Richd. Sanger. 
Richd. Sanger (4), northwest by Wm. Kerley. 


Tho. Goodnow [also on Cotchituatt Road]. Probably the 
present Pousland lot. 


John Howe. Also four acres on Pine Plain, north side of 
road from Sudbury to Watertown, west by land of Mrs. Hunt. 

Mrs. Hunt, or Widow Hunt. She probably sold her lot on 
J' The Street," and took a lot here. 

John How. Probably sold his lot on "The Street" to 
either Griffin or Rice, and took a lot on The Plain. 

Henry Loker (4). Between John Goodnow and J. Par- 
menter, Sr. 


Original trail or way from Watertown through Sudbury, 
now discontinued for public travel. 



John Parmenter, Sr. (4). Between Henry Loker and 
Bridle Point Road. 

John Goodnow (5). North by Widow Hunt and south 
by Henry Loker. The east end on the mill road, and the 
west end on the great river meadows. 

Thomas Hoyt. His house-lot containing four acres, having 
the house-lot of Brian Pendleton on the south side, and the 
house-lot of George Munnings on the north side. 

The map that accompanies the data of house-lots was 
made by James Sumner Diaper of Wayland, as the result 
of the united investigation of himself and the writer. Mr. 
Draper has a life-long familiarity with the locality, is a prac- 
tical surveyor, and acquainted with the traditions and old 
roads of this ancient part of Sudbury. It is not absolutely 
certain that every one to whom a lot was assigned ever 
became a householder in the settlement; furthermore, it may 
be that an exchange was, in some cases, made before the 
settlers began to build. With, however, a suitable allow- 
ance for possible or probable changes, and making such slight 
departures in certain cases from the data as was thought war- 
ranted by the circumstances, the locality, and tradition, we 
believe this map to be a fair representation of the locations 
of most, if not all, of the first homesteads in Sudbury. 

We will now consider the plan of the settlement, and trace 
the course of the street. The settlement lay along three 
roads, which afterwards became the common highway. The 
principal one of these roads, called "the North" or "East 
Street," and also the " Old Watertown Trail," started at 
what is now " Weston and Wayland Corner," and probably 
followed the course of the present road over "The Plain" 
and Clay-pit Hill to a point near the Abel Gleason estate ; 
from this place it is supposed to have made its way a little 
northerly of Mr. Gleason's house, and winding southwesterly 
passed just south of Baldwin's Pond, and thence to the river 
at the bridge. The road originally called "Northwest Row" 
ran from this street to what is still called " Common Swamp," 
and by the spot designated as the house-lot of Walter Haynes. 
This spot still bears the traces of having, long years ago, been 


the site of a house. The cart-path which ran from it to the 
meadow is still used. 

Along this road traces and traditions of homesteads are 
unmistakable : old building material has been unearthed, 
and depressions in the ground are still to be seen. Mr. 
Draper, a little east of his house, by the brook, unearthed 
the stones of a fire-place, with fragments of coals still upon 
them. Between this and Clay-pit Bridge (the second bridge 
or culvert from the mill-pond, or the first above " Whale's 
Bridge") there are, north of the road, several depressions 
indicating the sites of old houses. Just beyond Clay-pit 
Bridge, the writer, with Mr. Draper, went to look for traces 
of houses on the lots assigned to Bryan Pendleton and 
Thomas Noyes ; and there, in the exact locality, were dis- 
tinct depressions, just where they were looked for. The 
Curtis homestead, until within a very few years, was stand- 
ing in about the place assigned for the house-lot. Thus 
strong is the probability that the lots on this street were 
largely built upon. 

Another of the principal streets was that which, starting 
from a point on the north street near the town bridge, ran 
easterly along what is now the common highway, to the 
head of the mill-pond, and then to the mill. Upon this 
street was the first meeting-house, at a spot in the old 
burying-ground (see chapter on First Meeting-house, &c), 
and the Parmenter Tavern. The house-lots were mainly at 
the west end of this street, and the road was probably 
extended northeasterly to give access to the mill. Here, 
asrain, tradition confirms the record of house-lots, and shows 
that the lots were more or less built upon. . The John May- 
nard and John Loker estates were kept for years in their 
families, and the Parmenter estate is still retained in the 
family. In later years the descendants of John Rutter built 
on that street. 

The third road was called the "Bridle Point Road." This 
started near the Parmenter Tavern, crossed the knoll at the 
Harry Reeves place, and ran along the ridge of " Braman's 
Hill" for about two-thirds of its length, when it turned 
southerly, and, crossing Mill Brook, ran towards the town's 


southern limits. While tradition positively locates this road, 
it points to but one homestead upon it, and that the resi- 
dence of Rev. Edmund Brown, which it undoubtedly declares 
was at the spot designated by the house-lot data. Along 
this street are no visible marks of ancient dwelling-places 
north of Mill Brook; but beyond, various depressions in the 
ground, and remnants of building material, indicate that at 
one time this street had houses upon it. With the excep- 
tion of those on the south street, the dwellings were about 
equally distant from the meeting-house, and all within 
easy access to the River Meadows and the mill. Proba- 
bly they settled largely in groups, that they might more 
easily defend themselves in case of danger. They were in a 
new country, and as yet had had little experience with the 
Indians ; hence we should not expect the} r would scatter 
very widely. In the early times so essential was it consid- 
ered by the Colonial Court that the people should not widely 
scatter, that, three years before Sudbury was settled, it 
ordered, that, for the greater safety of towns, " hereafter no 
dwelling-house should be built above half a mile from the 
meeting-house in any new plantation." (Colony Records, 
Vol I.) 

It will be noticed that the positions selected for these 
streets were, to an extent, where the shelter of upland could 
be obtained for the house. The sandy slope of Bridle Point 
Hill would afford a protection from the rough winds of 
winter ; so of the uplands just north of South Street. It 
was also best to settle in groups, to lessen the amount of 
road-breaking in winter. It will also be noticed that these 
groups of house-lots were near, not only meadow land, but 
light upland, which would be easy of cultivation. Various 
things indicate that the most serviceable spots were selected 
for homesteads, that roads were constructed to connect them 
as best they could, and that afterwards the roads were ex- 
tended to the mill. Probably the people on North Street 
made the short way to South Street, that now comes out at 
Mr. Jude Damon's, in order to shorten the way to church. 
Those midway of that street, for a short cut to the mill, the 
church and the tavern, would naturally open a path from the 


turn of the road by the clay-pits to the mill. To accommo- 
date the people on " The Plain," a road was opened to the 
mill in a southwesterly course, which is in part the present 
highway, but has in part been abandoned, — the latter part 
being that which formerly came out directly east of the 

These several sections of road probably formed what was 
called the "Highway." A large share of it is in use at the 
present time, and is very suggestive of historic reminiscences. 
By it the settlers went to the Cakebread Mill, to the little 
hillside meeting-house, and to the John Parmenter Ordinary. 
By these ways came the messenger with fresh news from the 
seaboard settlements, or with tidings from the tribes of the 
woods. In short, these formed the one great road of the 
settlement ; the one forest pathway along which every one 
more or less trod. 

The' erection of dwelling-places along these first streets 
probably began in 1638 ; but we have no tradition or record 
of the week or month when the inhabitants arrived at the 
spot, nor as to how many went at any one time. They may 
have gone in small companies at different dates ; and the 
entire removal from Watertown may have occurred in the 
process of months. It is quite probable, however, that they 
went mainly together, or in considerable companies, both for 
the sake of convenience and safety; and that they were 
largely there by the autumn of 1638. On the arrival of the 
" Confidence," the emigrants would naturally be eager to 
settle somewhere at once. They would hardly wait long in 
Watertown, if their design was to make their homes farther 
west. The cold winter being just ahead, .they would pre- 
sumably hasten to the proposed place of settlement, to pre- 
pare things for their comfort before cold weather fairly 
set in. 

We have found no record of the dimensions of any of the 
first dwelling-places, but we may judge something of their 
size by that of the first house of worship, and by the specifi- 
cations in a lease of a house to be built by Edmund Rice 
prior to the year 1655. This house was to be very small, — 
" 30 foot long, 10 foot high, 1 foot sill from the ground, 


16 foot wide, with two rooms, both below or one above the 
other, all the doors, walls and staires with convenient fix- 
tures, and well planked under foot and boored sufficiently to 
lay corn in the story above head." But it is doubtful if this 
small, low structure fitly represents the settlers' first forest 
home ; very likely that was a still more simple building, that 
would serve as a mere shelter for a few months or years, till 
a more serviceable one could be built. Houses of ordinary 
capacity would hardly be necessarj' when the settlement 
commenced. The furniture of the dwelling would for a 
time, probably, be simple and scant, and consist mainly of a 
few household utensils, their firearms, and tools. 

The way from Watertown being at first only a forest trail, 
it was a difficult task to transport many goods, even if thej'" 
were brought to this country. That carts were made use of 
the first year for transportation to Watertown is doubtful, 
although they were used a few years later. In 1641 it was 
ordered, " That every cart with four sufficient oxen and a 
man shall have for a day's work five shillings ; " and that 
" none shall take above six pence a bushel for the bringing 
up of corn from Watertown to Sudbury and twenty shillings 
a day for any other goods." (Town Records, p. 17.) The 
transportation of corn may have been on horseback. 

What the settlers experienced in the rough cabins of 
logs, the first years, we can only conjecture. The deep 
snow-fall of winter, as it covered their lonely forest path, 
presented a strong contrast to the mild climate from which 
they came. But they had enough to employ their time. 
There were cattle to care for, and lands to clear and make 
ready for the coming spring; and it was no small task to keep 
the household supplied with wood. The wide-mouthed fire- 
place, with hearth broadening to almost midway of the cabin 
itself, with its huge andirons, beyond which was the stout 
back-log, had the capacity of a dozen stoves ; and to supply 
this was a matter of work. But the routine of work was 
broken by experiences both sad and glad. In the first 
year or two there were the birth, bridal, and burial. On 
the 1st of October, 1639, ''Andrew Belcher and his wife 
were married." " On ye first day of ye first month (March 


1), 1640, Edward the servant of Robert Darnill was buried." 
A year after, Joseph Rice was born. " On the third day of 
the twelvth month, 1639, Joseph and Nathaniel the sons of 
Solomon Johnson were born." In November, 1644, John 
Rutter married Elizabeth Plimpton. The first body buried 
was probably borne to the northerly side of the old meeting- 
house hill, where tradition says the Indians had a burying- 
ground. Here, doubtless, was buried the servant of Robert 
Darnill, who was the first, or one of the first, in that long 
procession which, for nearly two centuries and a half, has 
been borne to the ancient burying-place upon or about that 
hill. Beside these experiences, there were others that would 
tend to break up the monotony of the settlers' experience, 
such as "log-rollings," when the neighbors collected together 
and helped clear the land of logs and brush ; " house-rais- 
ings," where many joined hands to help raise the heavy 
frames; "road-breaking," when, with ox-teams, they cleared 
the snow from the path ; corn-planting in the common fields, 
or "huskings," when the corn was gathered, — these, with 
town -meetings, and an occasional drill of the train -band, 
when Bryan Pendleton exercised his little host, would serve 
to break up the monotony and enliven the scene at the set- 
tlement. Thus, — 

Toiling, rejoicing, sorrowing, 

Onward through life he goes ; 
Each morning sees some task begun, 

Each evening sees it close ; 
Something attempted, something done, 

Has earned a night's repose. 



Town Meetings. — Their Origin and Character. — Conditions of Citizen- 
ship. — Freemen — Place of Town Meeting. — Town Officers. — 
Highways. — Bridges. — " Indian Bridge." — The " Old Town 
Bridge." — Contracts with Ambrose Leach and Timothy Hawkins. — 
Causeway. — Formation of Church. — Settlement of First Minister. — 
Erection of First Meeting- House. — Contract with John Rutter. — 
Building of Grist-Mill. 

But the good deed, through the ages 
Living in historic pages, 
Brighter grows and gleams immortal, 
Unconsumed by moth or rust. 


The first steps in the settlement of the town having been 
considered, — namely, the acquisition of the territory, the 
assignment of house-lots, and laying out of the principal 
highways, — we will now notice further projects for the gen- 
eral good. The people acted first in town-meeting ; hence it 
may here be appropriate to consider the origin and character 
of these occasions, and the manner in which they were con- 
ducted. The New England town-meeting is an institution 
that originated in the exigencies of New England colonial 
life, and sprang into existence at the call of men who op- 
posed the concentration of political power, and who would 
confer it on no person or persons, only as it was conferred 
on them by the people's choice. Situated far remote from 
the home government in Europe, too much time was con- 
sumed in the transmission of laws, and too little acquaint- 
ance was had by the English government with the needs of 
American life, to make it practicable to rely on such a source 
of authority. 

Something was needed to meet an independent and extem- 



porized order cf things ; and the result was a New England 
town-meeting, which is unlike any other political assembly. 
In the principle of its operation it is similar and modelled 
after the New England Congregational Church meeting. 
The same general freeness and equality to an extent pre- 
vailed, and by these meetings each town became like a little 
republic. Whatever offices were needed were made, and 
the men selected to fill them had a fitness based on personal 
merit. There were no credentials for position that came 
from a titled authority, or from ancient hereditary right 
based on manorial acquisition or influence. Before planta- 
tions became incorporated towns, and while undivided lands 
still remained which were held by proprietary or collective 
right, there were certain privileges possessed by these pro- 
prietors or land companies, which related to their real 
estate, such as the right to dispose of and improve their 
lands, or to enjoy exclusive privileges that were based upon 
them. But when all the lands were divided and sold, the 
proprietary dissolved, and left the community purely repub- 
lican, in which each public meeting was an open town- 
meeting, whether it pertained to matters of church or state. 
Thus the New England town-meeting was original, and its 
principles of operation were in harmony with the character 
and purposes of the men who had fled from ecclesiastical and 
civil restraint. 

As might be expected, the General Court, which was more 
or less dependent on the action of town-meetings, was in gen- 
eral harmony with them ; and, in its definition of the power 
of towns, gave them the elements of democratic government. 
In 1635 it was " Ordered, that the freemen of any town, or 
the major part of them, shall only have power to dispose of 
their own lands and woods, with all the privileges and appur- 
tenances of said towns, to grant lots and make such orders 
as may concern the well ordering of their own towns, not 
repugnant to the orders of the General Court." They were 
authorized to impose fines, not exceeding twenty shillings, 
and "to choose their own particular officers, as constables, 
surveyors for highways and the like." (Colony Records, 
Vol. I., p. 72.) 


There were some restrictions that related to citizenship in 
those days that have since been removed. At one period 
only "freemen" could participate in the shaping of public 
affairs. A "freeman" was a person who, by act of the Gen- 
eral Court, was admitted to the rights and privileges that 
correspond to those now pertaining to American citizenship. 
In early times people did not attain to political privileges, as 
now, by passing from minority and paying a town tax; but to 
attain to full citizenship, with eligibility to office, as late as 
1631, it was necessary to be a member of a church within 
the jurisdiction of the Massachusetts Bay Colony. Later, in 
1662, the law was so changed that an Englishman, on pre- 
senting a certificate of good character, and upon giving evi- 
dence of orthodox belief, together with a certificate from a 
town selectman that the party was a freeholder and ratable 
to the county on a single rate to the amount of ten shillings, 
might apply to the General Court for admission as freeman. 
If accepted by the Court, it was on condition that the appli- 
cant take what was termed the "freeman's oath," which is as 
follows : — 

"I, A. B., being by God's providence an inhabitant and 
freeman within the jurisdiction of this commonwealth, do 
freely acknowledge myself to be subject to the government 
thereof, and therefore do swear, by the great and dreadful 
name of the everlasting God, that I will be true and faithful 
to the same, and will accordingly yield assistance and sup- 
port thereunto with my person and estate, as in equity I am 
bound, and also truly endeavor to maintain and preserve all 
the liberties and privileges thereof, submitting myself to the 
wholesome laws and orders made and established b} r the 
same ; and, further, that I will not plot nor practise any 
evil against it, nor consent to any that shall do so, but will 
timely discover and reveal the same to lawful authority now 
here established, for the speedy prevention thereof; more- 
over, I do solemnly bind myself, in the sight of God, that 
when I shall be called to give my voice touching any such 
matter of this state wherein freemen are to deal, I will give 
my vote and suffrage, as I shall judge in my conscience, may 
best conduce and tend to the public weal of the body, with- 


out respect of persons, or favor of any man. So help me God, 
in the Lord Jesus Christ.'''' 

After being thus qualified by the vote of the Court, and 
by taking the above oath, the freeman was allowed to vote 
in the elections in the following manner and under the fol- 
lowing penalty: "It is ordered by this Court, and by the 
authority thereof, that for the yearly choosing of assistants, 
the freemen shall use Indian corn and beans — the Indian 
corn to manifest election, the beans the contrary; and if any 
freeman shall put in more than one Indian corn or bean, for 
the choice or refusal of any public officer, he shall forfeit for 
every such offence ten pounds; and that any man that is not 
a freeman, or hath not liberty of voting, putting in any vote, 
shall forfeit the like sum of ten pounds." 

But, though corn and beans were sufficient to elect an 
assistant, for governor, deputy - governor, major - general, 
treasurer, secretary, and commissioners of the united colo- 
nies, it was required that the freemen should make use of 
written ballots. 

The freemen at first were all required to appear before the 
General Court to give their votes for assistants ; but it was 
found inconvenient, and even dangerous, for all of them to 
assemble in one place, leaving their homes unprotected, and 
hence it was ordered, " That it shall be free and lawful for 
all freemen to send their votes for elections by proxy, in the 
next General Court in May, and so for hereafter, which shall 
be done in this manner: The deputy which shall be chosen 
shall cause the freemen of the town to be established, and 
then take such freemen's votes, as please to send them by 
proxy, for any magistrate, and seal them up severally, sub- 
scribing the magistrates name on the back side, and to bring 
them to the Court, sealed, with an open roll of the names of 
the freemen that so send them." 

Until as late as the nineteenth century, the town-meetings 
were held in the meeting-house. After the meeting-house 
was built sometimes they were held in a private house or at 
the " ordinary." As for example, Jan. 10, 1685, and again 
Feb. 18, 1686, there was an adjournment of town-meeting to 
the house of Mr. Walker, " by reason of the extremity of the 


cold." In 1764 the town adjourned one of its meetings to 
the house of " William Rice, innholder." In 1782, " adjourned 
town-meeting to the house of Mr. Aaron Johnson, innholder 
in s d town." After the division of the town into the east 
and west precincts, the town-meetings alternated from the 
east to the west side. 

In 1682-3 the time of meeting was changed from February 
to October, the day of the week to be Monday. The reason 
of this change may be found in the fact that it was difficult 
at some seasons to make a journey to the east side meeting- 
house ; the passage of the causeway was occasionally rough, 
and town action might be thereby delayed or obstructed. 
The meeting was for a period warned by the board of select- 
men. At the date of the change just mentioned, it "was 
voted and ordered, that henceforth the selectmen every year 
for the time being shall appoint and seasonably warn the 
town-meeting ; " but afterwards this became the work of the 
constables. In the warning of town-meetings at one period, 
the " Old Lancaster Road " was made use of as a partial line 
of division. A part of the constables were to warn the peo- 
ple on the north side of the road, and part those who lived 
south of it. 

The town -meeting was opened by prayer. There is 
a record of this about 1654, and presumably it was prac- 
tised from the very first. At an early date voting was 
sometimes done by "dividing the house," each party with- 
drawing to different sides of the room. An example of this 
is as follows : In 1654, at a public town-meeting, after " the 
pastor by the desire of the town had sought the Lord for 
his blessing in the actings of the day, this following vote 
was made, You that judge the act of the selectmen in sizing 
the Commons to be a righteous act, discover it by drawing 
yourselves together in the one end of the meeting-house." 
After that was done, " It was then desired that those who 
are of a contrary mind would discover it by drawing them- 
selves together in the other end of the meeting-house." 

In what was done at these meetings, marked respect was 
usually had for order and law. We find records of protest 
or dissent when things were done in an irregular way, as for 


instance, in 16Y6, we have the following record : " We do 
hereby enter our Decent against the illegal proceeding of the 
inhabitants of the town : : : for the said proceedings 
have Ben Directly Contrary to law. First, That the Town 
Clerk did not Solemnly read the Laws against Intemperance 
and Immorality as the Laws Require." Mention is also 
made of other irregularities, and the whole is followed by a 
list of names of prominent persons. 

The town officers were mostly similar to those elected at 
the present time. At a meeting of the town in 1682-3, it 
was ordered that the town-meeting " shall be for the electing 
of Selectmen, Commissioners, and Town Clerk." Names 
of officers not mentioned here were "Constables, Invoice 
Takers, Highway Surveyors, and Town Marshal." About 
1648 the persons chosen to conduct the affairs of the town 
were first called selectmen. The number of these officers 
varied at different times. In 1646 there were seventeen 

The service expected of the selectmen, beside being cus- 
todians at large of the public good, and acting as the 
town's prudential committee, were, before the appointment 
of tything-men (which occurred first in Sudbury, Jan. 18, 
1679), expected to look after the morals of the community. 
This is indicated by the following order: At a meeting of 
the inhabitants, Jan. 18, 1679, " It is ordered, that the select- 
men shall visit the families of the town, and speedily inspect 
the same, but especially to examine children and servants 
about their improvement in reading and the catechism. 
Captain Goodnow and Lieutenant Haines to inspect all 
families at Lanham and Nobscot and all others about there 
and in their way, . . . and these are to return an account of 
that matter at the next meeting of the selectmen, appointed 
to be on the 30th of this instant January." We infer from 
certain records that the selectmen's orders were to be audi- 
bly and deliberately read, that the people might take notice 
and observe them. 

The officials known as " highway surveyors " had charge 
of repairs on town roads. This term was early applied, and 


has continued in use until now. As early in the records as 
1639, Peter Noyes and John Parmenter are mentioned as 

The business of town clerk, or " dark," first held in Sud- 
bury by Hugh Griffin, is shown by the following extracts 
from the town book : " He is to take charge of the records 
and discharge the duties of a faithful scribe." " To attend 
town-meeting, to write town orders for one year, . . . for 
which he was to have ten shillings for his labor." In 1643 
he was " to take record of all births and marriages and 
[deaths], and return them to the recorder." "It is also 
agreed that the rate of eight pound 9 shillings [be] levied 
upon mens estate for the payment of the town debt due at 
the present, and to buy a constable's staff, to mend the 
stocks, and to buy a marking iron for the town, and it shall 
be forthwith gathered by Hugh Griffin, who is appointed 
by the town to receive rates, and to pa} r the town's debt." 
(Town Book, p. 75.) Feb. 19, 1650, Hugh Griffin "was 
released from the service of the town." The work that he 
had performed was "to attend town-meetings, to write town 
orders, to compare town rates, to gather them in, and pay 
them according to the towns appointment, and to sweep the 
meeting-house, for which he is to have fifty shillings for his 

Other officers were "commissioners of rates," or "invoice- 
takers." These corresponded perhaps to "assessors," which 
term we find used in the town book as early as the beginning 
of the eighteenth century. The office of marshal was the 
same as that of constable. There is the statement on page 34 
" that there shall be a rate gathered of ten pounds for the 
finishing of the meeting-house, to be raised upon meadows 
and improved land, and all manner of cattle above a quarter 
old to be prized as they were formerly prized, the invoice to 
be taken by the marshall." 

At an early period persons were appointed for the special 
purpose of hearing "small causes." In 1655 " Lietenant 
Goodnow, Thomas Noyes, and Sergeant Groute were chosen 
commissioners to hear, issue, and end small causes in Sud- 


bury, according to law, not exceeding forty shillings." In 
1648 Peter Noyes was " to see people ioyne in marriage in 
Sudbury." (Colonial Records, p. 97.) 

In the early times towns could send deputies to the Gen- 
eral Court according to the number of their inhabitants. 
Those that had ten freemen and under twenty, could send 
one ; those having between twenty and forty, not over two. 
(Palfrey's History.) 

We infer that if a person was elected to any town office 
he was expected to serve. It is stated in the records of 1730 
that David Rice was chosen constable, and " being called up 
[by] the moderator for to declare his exception, or non- 
exception, upon which David Rice refused for to serve as 
constable, and paid down five pounds money to s d town, and 
so was discharged." 

Having considered the nature of the town-meeting, the 
place where works of a public nature were discussed and 
decided upon, we will now notice some of the works them- 
selves. First, Highways, the Causeway and Bridge. 


In providing means for easy and rapid transit, it was impor- 
tant for the town to make haste. Indian trails and the paths 
of wild animals would not long suffice for their practical needs. 
Hay was to be drawn from the meadows, and for this a road 
was to be made. Another was to be made to Concord, and 
paths were to be opened to the outlying lands. The first 
highway work was done on the principal street, which was 
doubtless at first but a mere wood path or trail. An early 
rule for this labor, as it is recorded on the Town Records, 
Feb. 20, 1639, is as follows : " Ordered by the commissioners 
of the town, that every inhabitant shall come forth to the 
mending of the highway upon a summons by the surveyors." 
In case of failure, five shillings were to be forfeited for every 
default. The amount of labor required was as follows : — 

" 1st. The poorest man shall work one day. 

" 2nd. For every six acres of meadow land a man hath he 
shall work one day. 


" 3d. Every man who shall neglect to make all fences 
appertaining to his fields by the 24th of April shall forfeit 
five shillings (Nov. 19th, 1639)." 

Highways and cart-paths were laid out on both sides of 
the meadows at an early date. The town records make men- 
tion of a highway " from below the upland of the meadow 
from the house-lot of Walter Haynes to the meadow of John 
Goodnow, which shall be four rods wide where it is not 
previously bounded already, and from the meadow of John 
Goodnow to the end of the town bound." Also of a high- 
way on the west side of the river, " between the upland and 
the meadow six rods wide from one end of the meadow to 
the other." These roads, we conjecture, have not entirely 
disappeared. On either side the meadow margin a hay-road, 
or " right of way," still exists. It is probable that the town 
way called " Water Row " may have been a part of those 
early roads ; also, that by the margin of Sand Hill, as it ex- 
tends southwesterly towards West Brook, and that by the 
Baldwin place, that starts north of the bridge. An impor- 
tant road laid out in 1648 was that from Watertown to 
the Dunster Farm, or the "Old Connecticut Path." 
(See Chapter I.) The record states, "Edmund Rice and 
Edm d Goodenow, John Bent and John Grout, are appointed 
to lay out a way from Watertown bound to the Dunster 
Farm." Another important road laid out in the first decade 
was that which went to Concord. In 1648 "^Edmond Goode- 
now is desired to treat with Concord men, and to agree with 
them about the laying out of the way between Concord and 
Sudbury." The term " laying out," as it was employed at 
that period, might not always imply the opening of a new 
path, but perhaps the acceptance or formal recognition of an 
old one, which hitherto had been only a bridle-way or mere 
forest foot-trail, that had been used as the most available 
track to a town, hamlet, or homestead. Tradition informs 
us that at an early date a way from "The Island" to the east 
side settlement was by a fording-place, which was by the 
present " Bridle-Point Bridge ; " and that there was a road 
from "The Island" to Lanham, which passed Heard's Pond 


on the north, to the right of the present highway, or between 
that and the meadow margin. By this way hay could be 
drawn from the meadow on the south of West Brook, and 
the Lanham settlers could pass by it to the Cakebread Mill 
and to the home of their minister on Timber Neck. 


In the work of bridge building Sudbury has had fully its 
share from the first. Its original territory being divided by 
a wide, circuitous stream, which was subject to spring and 
fall floods, it was a matter of no small importance to the set- 
tlers to have a safe crossing. Ford-ways, on a river like this, 
were uncertain means of transit. Without a bridge the east 
and west side inhabitants might be separated sometimes for 
weeks, and travelers to the frontier beyond would be much 
hindered on their way. All this the people well knew, and 
they were early astir to the work. Two bridges are men- 
tioned in the town book as early as 1641. The record of one 
is as follows: "It was ordered from the beginning of the 
plantation, that there should be two rods wide left in the 
meadow from the bridge at Munning's Point to the hard 
upland at the head of Edmund Rice's meadow." The 
other record is of the same date, and states that there 
was to be a road " between the river meadow and the house- 
lot from the bridge at John Blandford's to Bridle Point." 
The bridge referred to in the former of these records may 
have been the " Old Indian Bridge," which is repeatedly 
mentioned in the town book. From statements on the 
records we conclude it crossed the lower part of Lanham 
Brook — sometimes also called West Brook — at a point 
between Sand Hill and Heard's Pond. This bridge was 
probably found there by the settlers, and may have been 
nothing more than a fallen tree where but one person could 
pass at a time. It doubtless was of little use to the settlers, 
and may only have served them as a landmark or to desig- 
nate a fording-place where at low water a person could pass. 
The bridge referred to in the latter record was probably the 
first one built by the English in Sudbury. It was doubtless 
situated at the locality since occupied by successive bridges, 


each of which was known as the " Old Town Bridge." 
The present one is called the Russell Bridge, after the name 
of the builder. The location is in Wayland at the east end 
of the old causeway, near the house of Mr. William Baldwin. 
The first bridge at this place was probably a simple contriv- 
ance for foot-passengers only, and one which would cause 
little loss if swept away by a flood. The reason why this 
spot was selected as a crossing, may be indicated by the laj' 
of the land and the course of the river ; at this point the 
stream winds so near the bank of the hard upland, that a 
causeway on the eastern side is unnecessary. These natural 
features doubtless led to the construction of the bridge at 
that particular spot, and the location of the bridge deter- 
mined the course of the road. About the time of the erec- 
tion of the first bridge a ferry is spoken of. In 1642 Thomas 
Noyes was " appointed to keep a ferry for one year, for 
which he was to have two pence for every single passenger 
and if there be more to take two apiece." This ferry may 
have been used only at times when high water rendered the 
bridge or meadow impassable. As in the price fixed for 
transportation only "passengers" are mentioned, we infer 
that both the bridge and ferry were for foot-passengers 
alone. But a mere foot-path could not long suffice for the 
settlement. The west side was too important to remain 
isolated for want of a cart-bridge. About this time it was 
ordered by the town, " That Mr. Noyes, Mr. Pendleton, 
Walter Haynes, John Parmenter, Jr., and Thomas King 
shall have power to view the river at Thomas King's, and to 
agree with workmen to build a cart-bridge over the river 
according as they shall see just occasion." The following 
contract was soon made with Ambrose Leach : — 


"It is agreed betweene the inhabitants of the towne of 
sudbury and Ambrose Leech, That the towne will give unto 
the said Ambrose 6 acres in M r Pendleton's 2 nd Addition of 
meadow w ch shall run on the north side of his meadow lyinge 
on the west side of the river & shall run from the river to 
the upland. Allsoe foure acres of meadowe more wch shall 


be wth convenient as may be. Allsoe twenty acres of upland 
lyinge on the west side of the river on the north side of the 
lande of Walter Haynes if he approve of it else so much 
upland where it may be convenient. For and in considera- 
tion whereof the said Ambrose doth propose to build a suffi- 
cient cart bridge over the river three feet above high water 
mark twelve foot wyde from the one side of the river to the 
other provided that the towne doe fell and cross cutt the tim- 
ber and saw all the plank and carry it all to place and when 
it is ready framed the towne doth promise to help him raise 
it so that he and one man be at the charge of the sayd Am- 
brose and he doth promise to acomplish the work by the last 

day of Aug. next. Allsoe the towne doth admitt of him 

as a townsman wth right to comonage and upland as more 
shall be laid out and allsoe ten acres of meadowe to be layed 
out which other meadowe is in first addition of meadowe. 
"Ambrose Leech Brian Pendleton 

" Walter Haynes." 

This contract is on the original town book without date. 
On the preceding page is a record dated 1642, and beyond is 
one dated 1641, which plainly shows either that events were 
not recorded chronologically, or that the leaves were not 
placed in their original order when the book was rebound in 
1840. It may then be safe to conjecture that the date of this 
contract was 1642 or 1643. That Mr. Leach carried out his 
agreement in good faith, is indicated by the privileges that 
were afterwards accorded to him. Repeatedh', on the Pro- 
prietors' book, in the record of their meetings held in after 
years, are the names of Ambrose Leach and Thomas Cake- 
bread included in the list of the early grantees, upon whose 
original rights the Proprietors based their titles to the com- 
mon lands. No other names are in the list except those of 
the early or original grantees ; and the presumption is, that 
they were included on account of some service performed for 
the town : one perhaps for building a bridge, and the other 
for building a mill. The next contract for building a bridge 
was with Timothy Hawkins of Watertown, and is as fol- 
lows : — 


"The 26th day of November, 16**. 

"Agreed between the Inhabitants of Sudbury on the one 
part, and Timothy Hawkins of Watertown on the other part 
that the said Timothy shall build a sufficient cart bridge over 
the river, beginning at the west side of the river running 
across the river, five rods long and twelve feet wide, one foot 
above high water mark, the arches to be . . . foot wide, 
all but the middle arch which is to be 14 feet wide, the silts 
— inches square 26 feet long, the posts 16 inches square the 

cups and 16, the braces 8 inches square, the bridge 

must have a rail on each side, and the rails must be braced 
at every post, the plank must be two inches thick sawn, there 
must be 5 braces for the plank, — the bridge the bearers 12 
inches square, the bridge is by him to be ready to raise by 
the last day of May next. For which work the Inhabitants 
do consent to pay unto the said Timothy for his work so done, 
the sum of 13 pounds to be paid in corn and cattle, the corn 
at the general price of the country, and the cattle at the price 
as two men shall judge them worHi. 

" The said Timothy is to fell all the timber and saw it, and 
then the town is to carry it to the place." 

The town was also to help raise it. The time of this con- 
tract also is uncertain. The record of the date is so muti- 
lated that it is uncertain whether it is 1643 or 1653. On the 
page preceding are the dates 1652 and 1653. If this contract 
was made in 1643, then that with Ambrose Leach might have 
been earlier than has been conjectured, and the bridge built 
by him may have been destroyed by a flood soon after com- 
pletion, which caused the erection of another so soon. 

In 1645, it was ordered "that £20 should be alowed y e 
town of Sudbury toward y e building of their bridge and way 
at y e end of it to be paid y m when they shall have made y e 
way passable for loaden horses, so it be done w lh in a twelve 
month." (Colony Records, Vol. II., p. 102.) The town 
was also for this reason at one time favored by an abatement 
of rates, as we are informed by the following record : — 

"Whereas it appears to us that Concord, Sudbury and Lan- 


caster are at a greater charge in bridges for the publicque use 
of the countrye than some other of theire neighbor tovvnes, 
we conceive it meete that they be abated as followeth ; Con- 
cord and Lancaster all theire rates, whether payd or to be 
payd to those two bridges above named, and Sudbury the one 
half of theire rates to the sayd bridges, and theire abatement 
to be satisfied to the undertakers of those bridges, or repayed 
againe to such as have payed as followeth." (Colony Rec- 
ords, Vol. IV., p. 307.) 

The bridge built at this spot is said to be the first framed 
bridge in Middlesex County. The locality is one rich in 
reminiscences of Sudbury's early History. Over this cross- 
ing the Indians were forced, on that memorable day when 
King Philip attacked the town. At the "Bridge foot" were 
buried the bodies of the Concord men who were slain on 
that dismal day. (See period 1675-1700.) It was the 
bridge of the old stage period. Just beyond, by the "gravel 
pit," was the beginning of the "Old Lancaster road." Here 
was the crossing, over which Washington passed when he 
went through the town. Thus suggestive are the associa- 
tions that cluster about the spot, and chime in with the nat- 
ural loveliness that sometimes adorns it. When the mead- 
ows grow green in the spring-time as the floods are passing 
away, and the willows, standing in hedgerows like silent 
sentinels, send forth their fragrant perfume, here surely is a 
fit place for reflection, a suitable spot in which to meditate 
upon things that were long ago. 


Westerly beyond the bridge was built a raised road or 
causeway, which was sometimes called the " Casey " or 
"Carsey." This is a memorable piece of highway. Repeat- 
edly has it been raised to place it above the floods. At one 
time the work was apportioned by lot ; and at another the 
Legislature allowed the town to issue tickets for a grand 
lottery, the avails of which were to be expended upon this 

Stakes were formerly set as safeguards to the traveler, that 


he might not stray from the way. In 1653, it is recorded 
that speedy measures were to be taken to repair the cause- 
way and highways. Just when this causeway was built we 
have found no record, but we infer that it was begun as early 
as 1643, since at that time the cart-bridge was made, and 
about that time the service of Thomas Noyes as ferryman 
ceased. With the construction of a cart-bridge, the people 
would naturally construct a cart causeway, since without this 
a cart-bridge could be of no use for vehicles. The older 
causeway is that which is a few rods west of the town bridge 
further east, and takes a southwesterly course at the parting 
of the ways. 


Another necessary convenience to the settlers was a grist- 
mill, or, as they expressed it, " a mill to grind the town's 
corn." Such a mill was erected in the spring of 1639 by 
Thomas Cakebread. The following is the record concerning 
it : " Granted to Thomas Cakebread for and in considera- 
tion of building a mill, 40 a. of upland or thereabout now 
adjoining to the mill, and a little piece of meadow down- 
wards, and a piece of meadow upward, and which may be 16 
or 20 a. or thereabout. Also there is given for his accommo- 
dation for his estate 30 a. of meadow and 40 a. of upland." 
(Town Records.) 

Mr. Cakebread did not long live to make use of his mill. 
His widow married Sargent John Grout, who took charge of 
the property. " In 1643, the cranberry swamp formerly 
granted to Antient Ensign Cakebread was confirmed to John 
Grout, and there was granted to Sargent John Grout a swamp 
lying by the house of Philemon Whale, to pen water for the 
use of the mill, and of preparing it to remain for the use of 
the town." 

Probably the house of Philemon Whale was not far from 
the present Concord road, near Wayland Centre, and pos- 
sibl} r stood on the old cellar hole at the right of the road, 
north of the Dana Parmenter house. The bridge at the 
head of the mill-pond long bore the name of Whale's Bridge. 
This mill stood on the spot where the present grist-mill 


stands, near Wayland Centre, and which has been known as 
Reeves's, Grout's, and, more recently, Wight's mill. Some 
of the original timber of the Cakebread Mill is supposed to 
be in the present structure. The stream by which it is run 
is now small, but in early times it was probably somewhat 
larger. The dimensions of the mill are larger than formerly, 
it having been lengthened toward the west. 


The town now being laid out, and the necessary means for 
securing a livelihood provided, the people turned their atten- 
tion to ecclesiastical matters. The church was of paramount 
importance to the early new England inhabitants. For its 
privileges they had in part embarked for these far-off shores. 
To preserve its purity they became pilgrims on earth, exiles 
from friends and their native land. Borne hither with such 
noble desires, we have evidence that when they arrived they 
acted in accordance with them. In 1640 a church was orga- 
nized, which was Congregational in government and Calvin- 
istic in creed or faith. A copy of its covenant is still pre- 
served. The church called to its pastorate Rev. Edmund 
Brown, and elected Mr. William Brown deacon. It is sup- 
posed that the installation of Rev. Edmund Brown was at 
the time of the formation of the church. The town in se- 
lecting Mr. Brown for its minister secured the services of 
an energetic and devoted man. Edward Johnson says of 
him, in his " Wonder-Working Providence," " The church 
in Sudbury called to the office of a pastor the reverend, 
godly and able minister of the word, Mr. Edmund Brown, 
whose labors in the doctrine of Christ Jesus hath hitherto 
abounded, wading through this wilderness work with much 
cheerfulness of spirit, of whom as followeth : — 

" Both night and day Brown ceaseth not to watch 

Christ's little flock in pastures fresh them feed, 
The worrying wolves shall not the weak lambs catch ; 

Well dost thou mind in wildernesse their breed. 
Edmund, thy age is not so great but thou 

Maist yet behold the Beast brought to her fall, 
Earth's tottering Kingdome shew her legs gin bow, 

Thou 'mongst Christ's Saints with prayers maist her mawle. 


" What signes wouldst have faith's courage for to rouse? 

See Christ triumphant hath his armies led, 
In Wildernesse prepar'd his lovely Spouse, 

Caused Kings and Kingdomes his high hand to dread; 
Thou seest his churches daily are increasing, 

And though thyself amongst his worthyes warring, 
Hold up thv hands, the battel's now increasing, 

Christ's Kingdom's ay, it's past all mortall's marring." 

The home of Mr. Brown was in the territory of Wayland, 
by the south bank of Mill Brook, on what was called " Tim- 
ber Neck." (See map of house-lots, Chapter V.) The house 
was called in his will "Brunswick," which means "mansion 
by the stream," and stood near the junction of Mill Brook 
with the river, a little southeast of Farm Bridge, and nearly 
opposite the Richard Heard place. Nothing now visible 
marks the spot, but both record and undisputed tradition 
give its whereabouts. (For further of Mr. Brown see period 
1675-1700.) Mr. Brown's salary the first year was to be 
.£40, one-half to be paid in money, the other half in some 
or all of these commodities : " Wheate, pees, butter, cheese, 
porke, beefe, hemp and flax, at every quarters end." In the 
maintenance of the pastor and church the town acted as in 
secular matters. The church was for the town ; its records 
were for a time town records. Civil and ecclesiastical mat- 
ters were connected. If there was no state church, there 
was a town church, a minister and meeting-house, that was 
reached by and reached the masses. " Rates " were gath- 
ered no more surely for the "king's tax" than to maintain 
the ministry. To show the manner of raising the money for 
the minister's salary shortly after his settlement, we insert 
the following : " The first day of the second month, 1643. 
It is agreed upon by the town that the Pastor shall [have] 
for this year, beginning the first day of the first month, 
thirty pound, to be gathered by rate and to be paid unto him 
at two several payments, the first payment to be made one 
month after midsummer, the other payment to be made one 
month after Michaelmas, for the gathering of which the town 
hath desired Mr. Pendleton and Walter Hayne to undertake 
it, and also the town hath discharged the pastor from all 


rates, for this year, and the rate to be levied according to the 

rate which was for the meeting-house, the invoice being 

taken by John Freeman." Of the prosperity of this little 
church, Johnson says, in his "Wonder-Working Providence," 
"This church hath hitherto, been blessed with blessings of 
the right hand, even godly peace and unity; they are not 
above 50 or 60 families and about 80 souls in church fellow- 
ship, their Neat head about 300." 


A church formed and pastor secured, an early movement 
was made for a meeting-house. 

"'Mid forests unsubdued 

The Sabbath dome rose fair, 
And in their rude unsheltered homes 
Was heard the call — to prayer." 


The spot selected was at what is now the "Old Burying- 
ground," in Wayland. The building stood in its westerly 
part, and a few rods northerly of the Sudbury Centre and 
Wayland highway. The site is marked by a slight embank- 
ment, and by a row of evergreens set by Mr. J. S. Draper. 
The house was built by John Rutter, and the contract was 
as follows : — 

" February 17th, 1642. 

" It is agreed between the townsmen of this town on the 
one part, and John Rutter on the other part, that the said 
John Rutter for his part, shall fell, saw, hew and frame a 
house for a meeting-house thirty foot long, twenty foot wide, 
eight foot between joint three foot between, stude two cross 
dorments in the house six clear story windows, two with 
four lights apiece, and four with three lights apiece, and to 
ententise between the stude, which frame is to be made 
ready to raise the first week in May next. 

"John Rutter. 

"And the town for their part do covenant to draw all the 
timber to place, and to help to raise the house being framed 
and also to pay to the said John Rutter for the said work 


six pounds, that is to say, three pound to be paid in corn 
at three shillings a bushel, or in money, in and upon this 
twenty seventh day, of this present month, and the other 
three pounds to be paid in money, corn and cattle to be 
prized by two men of the town, one to be chosen by the 
town and the other to be chosen by John Rutter, and to be 
paid at the time that the frame is by the said John Rutter 

" Peter Noyse, Walter Haynes, 

"Brian Pendleton, John How, 
"William Ward, Thomas Whyte." 

(Town Book, p. 27.) 

An act relative to the raising and locating of the building is 
the following, dated May, 1643: The town "agreed that the 
meeting-house shall stand upon the hillside, before the house- 
lot of John Loker, on the other side of the way ; also that 
every inhabitant that hath a house-lot shall attend [the rais- 
ing of] the new meeting-house, or send a sufficient man to 
help raise the meeting-house." The year after the contract 
was made a rate was ordered for the finishing of the house, 
to be raised on " meadow and upland and all manner of 
cattle above a quarter old, to be prized as they were for- 
merly: Shoates at 6 shillings 8 pence apiece, kids at 4 shil- 
lings apiece." 

A further record of the meeting-house is as follows : — 

"Nov. 5th, 1645. 
" It is ordered that all those who are appointed to have 
seats in the meeting-house that they shall bring in their first 
payment for their seats to Hugh Griffin or agree with him 
between this and the 14th day of this month, which is on 
Friday next week and those that are (deficient) we do 
hereby give power to the Marshall to distrain both for their 
payment for their seats and also for the Marshall's own labor 
according to a former order twelve pence. 

"Walter Hayne, William Warde. 

"Edmund Goodnow, John Reddicke, 

" Hugh Griffin." 


Considerable importance was attached in the early times 
to the seating of people in the meeting-house, and in the 
records of new houses of worship mention is made of this 
matter. Respect was had to social condition and circum- 
stance ; committees were chosen to adjust these matters in 
the payment of rates, and references are made in the records 
of town-meeting to the requests of parties about their seats 
in the meeting-house. A rule that was general was, that 
the men should sit at one end of the pew and the women at 
the other. In the third meeting-house erected in Sudbury 
it was a part of a plan that the pews should be so arranged 
as to seat seven men on one side and seven women on the 
other. In this first meeting-house of Sudbury, the people 
purchasing seats had a right to dispose of their purchase, in 
case they should leave the settlement ; but the right was 
reserved by the town of seating the parties who purchased, 
as is declared hy the following record, Jan. 26, 1645 : It was 
"ordered, that all those that pa}^ for seats in the meeting- 
house shall have leave to sell as many seats as they pay for, 
provided, they leave the seating of the persons to whom they 
sell, to the church officers, to seat them if they themselves 
go out of town." About this first meeting-house a burial 
place was soon started. No land purchase was made for this 
purpose until subsequent years (see chapter on Cemeteries), 
but, after the old English custom, graves were gathered about 
the church. The services held in the first meeting-house 
were probably like those held in other houses of the period. 
There were two sermons on Sunday, with a short intermis- 
sion at noon. The sermon was usually about an hour in 
length, and the time of preaching was measured by an hour- 
glass that was placed in the pulpit. Long prayers, if not in 
favor, were in use ; and the minister prayed for the practical 
needs of his little flock, detailing in his supplications the 
wants of the sick, the sorrowful, the sinful, and asking that 
all things might be sanctified to the soul's spiritual good. 
Strangers were sometimes asked to exhort or prophesy. 
Scripture reading, except reading the text, and incidental 
readings in the course of the sermon, was not known in the 
early churches. We are informed by Mr. Loring's Diary 


that the reading of the Scriptures, as a part of the Sabbath 
service, was introduced into the Sudbury church, without 
opposition, in 1748. When the Scriptures were read, an 
exposition was expected ; and without this it was called 
" dumb reading." The church music was of a congrega- 
tional character, and made use of for worship. There were 
no useless mummeries of meaningless tunes. Most of the 
churches for a time after 1640 used "The Bay Psalm Book," 
which was gotten up by New England ministers, and which 
Avas the second hymn book used in British America. It is 
stated (Palfrey) that, for three-quarters of a centurj', not 
more than ten different tunes were used in public worship, 
among which were "York," "Hackney," "St. Martyns," 
"Windsor," and "St. Marys." The people were called to 
meeting by the beating of a drum. In a record, bearing date 
1652, is a statement as follows : " It shall be agreed with 
Edmund Goodenow, that his son shall beat the Drum twice 
every lecture day, and twice every forenoon, and twice every 
afternoon upon every Lord's day, to give notice what time to 
come to meeting; for which the town will give him twenty 
shillings a year — and to pay him in the town rates." This 
son of Edmund Goodenow was John, as the records state 
that, in 1654, " John Goodenow was discharged from the 
town's engagement for beating the drum to call persons to 
meeting." A sexton was soon appointed, and it is recorded 
that, in 1644, John Toll was to " make clean the meeting- 
house for one year, and to have for his labor six shillings, 
eight pence." 



Land Divisions. — Origin of the Terms " Common " and " Lot." — Per- 
mission of Colonial Court for Land Division. — Principles upon which 
Land Divisions were Made. — The Meadows a Basis of Division. — 
Meadow Rights, or Meadow Dividends. — Rules of Division. — Quan- 
tity of Meadow Received in Three Early Allotments. — Division of 
Upland. — Town's Common or Undivided Lands. — Proprietors' Com- 
mon or Undivided Lands. — Proprietors' Meetings subsequent to 
1700. — Specimens of their Records. — Land Allotments to be Re- 
corded. — Cow Common. — Land for the Support of the Ministry. — 
Reservations for " Planting Fields," a " Training Field," a Mill, a 
Pasture for " Working Oxen," Timber Land. 

These are the records, half effaced, 
Which, with the hand of youth, he traced 
On History's page. 


The settlers had little more than got fairly located at the 
plantation, when they began dividing their territory, and 
apportioning it in parcels to the inhabitants. Before these 
divisions were made there were no private estates, except 
such house-lots and few acres as were assigned at the outset 
for the settler's encouragement or help, or such land tracts 
as were obtained by special grant from the Colonial Court. 
But divisions soon came. Piece afterpiece was apportioned, 
and passed into private possession. Soon but little of the 
public domain was left, save small patches at the junction of 
roads, or some reservation for a school-house, meeting-house 
or pound, or plot for the village-green. 

From common land, which the undivided territory was 
called, has come the word " common " as applied to a town 
common, park or public square. And from the division of 
land by lot, the term " lot" has come into use, as " meadow- 
lot," " wood-lot," and " house-lot." The early land divisions 


were made, on permission .of the Colonial Court, by such 
commissioners as the town or court might appoint. As a 
specimen of these permits, we give the following : — 

"A Generall Court, holden at Boston the 4 th Day of the 
7 th month 1639. 

" The order of the Court, vpon the petition of the inhabi- 
tants of Sudbury, is, that Peter Noyes, Bryan Pendleton, J 
[John] Parmrn A [Parmenter], Edmond B [Brown], Walter 
Hayne, George Moiling, & Edmond Rise have comission to lay 
out lands to the p'sent inhabitants, according to their estates 
& persons & that Capt Jeanison, M r Mayhewe, M r Flint, M r 
Samuel Sheopard, & John Bridge, or any 3 of them, shall, in 
convenient time, repaire to the said towne, & set out such 
land and accomodations, both for house-lots & otherwise, 
both for M r Pelham & M r Walgrave, as the}' shall think suit- 
able to their estates, to bee reserved for them if they shall 
come to inhabite them in convenient time, as the Court shall 
think [fit]." 

But while these divisions were by the permission of the 
court, the principles of division were largely left to the peo- 
ple themselves ; and in the early New England towns various 
methods were adopted, in accordance with the plan or com- 
pact on which the plantation was formed. In more or less of 
the towns, the petitioners for a land tract of which a town 
was to be composed were a company of proprietors which 
might correspond to a corporation of to-day. They had a 
moderator, clerk, record book, and committee. The officials 
of these proprietaries, before a place was incorporated, per- 
formed functions to some extent corresponding to those of 
town officials afterwards. The committees corresponded to 
the town's selectmen, the clerk to a town clerk, and the pro- 
prietors' books to town records. The proprietors' books were 
not only a record of their proceedings, but served also as a 
registry of deeds, and were the evidence of land sales, bound- 
aries, etc. 

These companies or proprietors could, by majority vote, 
divide up and dispose of their land in a way subject only to 


the terms of the proprietors' compact, to restrictions of the 
court, and the common law. When the plantation by incor- 
poration became a town, the proprietors did not lose their 
original territorial rights, but the principle of ownership and 
control was the same as before. If, when the place was a 
plantation or proprietary, a person owned certain shares in 
the territory by reason of money paid in, or as a reward or 
recompense for some service performed, when it became a 
town he retained his right to those shares and the rights that 
appertained to them ; and when the lands were divided those 
rights would be allowed. Hence, whether it were plantation 
or town when the division of land was made, though the act 
of division was subject to a majority vote, the mode of divis- 
ion was to have reference to the original right of every 

The town of Sudbury, as a plantation, was formed on 
what we consider the proprietary principle. The persons 
that petitioned for the land tract, and those whom they 
represented, or, in other words, the original grantees, at 
first possessed the whole territory. In their collective 
capacity, they had power to divide up their lands or keep 
them as common property ; but when divisions were made, 
it must be done in an equitable manner, that is, in proportion 
as each had paid in, or in proportion to the value of the orig- 
inal right ; or they were to dispose of them in such a way as 
was, by general consent, for the common good of the com- 
pany, as the selling of land to meet public expenses, or the 
granting of it as a gratuity to help on the settlement ; or the 
setting apart of a portion of it for a common pasture. But 
while the town had a right to do any or all of these things, 
as a matter of fact it did not at first divide up all of its land, 
except the meadows. These it divided proportionally, as 
we have stated, and the meadows being thus divided, became 
the basis of future allowance and rights ; in other words, it 
is supposed that the settlers put into the enterprise different 
amounts of money, and received meadow lands in proportion 
to what each put in ; and that, on the basis of the amount of 
meadow received, rates were raised for public purposes, and 
certain rights were possessed, — as the right of commonage, or 


to divisions of uplands. So far as we know, no lands were 
sold at the outset solely and directly to construct public 
works, or to pay for a foot of the common territory. 

Thus the division of meadow land was an important 
transaction. It was not only a disposal of common prop- 
erty of the proprietors, but it established a standard of 
rates, and in a certain sense of valuation. For example, 
money to pay for land purchased of Karto was to " be gath- 
ered according to such quantity of meadow as are granted to 
the inhabitants of the town." In the division of " uplands," 
the rule of receiving was according as a person was possessed 
of " meadow." In the pasturage of the extensive cow com- 
mon, the people were to be limited in the number of cattle 
put in by their meadows, or their rates as based upon them, j 

In the erection of the meeting-house and pay of the minister 
reference was had to rates paid on the meadows. Perhaps the 
meadows thus assigned might properly be termed "meadow- 
rights." As in some places the "acre-right" would procure 
lands or privileges in proportion to the part paid into the com- 
mon venture by the proprietor, so in Sudbury the meadow-right 
might do likewise ; and a person who possessed an original 
meadow-right might possess a right to subsequent land allot- 
ments, or the right of his cattle to commonage, so long as the 
town had undivided territory. Thus it might be said that the 
proprietors received values on their investment in the enter- 
prise, not by monied divisions, but by land divisions. Hence, 
these divisions of land might be called the dividends of those 
early days, and the money raised by the town on the basis of 
these early divisions of meadow might be called assessments 
on the stock made to meet public expenses. We conclude that 
these meadow-rights or dividends were merchantable, to the 
extent that a person in selling them might or might not con- 
vey the right that belonged to them, as related to commonage 
and other allotments. The lands that were given by gratu- 
lation, for, worthiness or work done for the public, might 
or might not have the privileges of an original meadow- 
right or dividend. In raising money to pay Karto for the 
land which the town last bought of him, it was ordered 
that " all meadow was to pay at one price, and that all 


meadow given by way of gratulation should have right of 

That the original grantees, and those subsequently given 
the privileges of such, as a "gratulation" for services per- 
formed for the settlers, could transfer the right to subsequent 
divisions of the common and undivided land, is indicated by 
the records of the proceedings of the proprietors of these 
lands many years after the settlement of Sudbury. In the 
Proprietors' Book of Records, as will be noticed further along, 
are given repeated lists of the names of the early grantees, 
even after the most if not all of them had passed away. 
These lists are referred to as those possessing an original 
right to the town's undivided land, and may indicate that 
wherever or whenever one possessed that right as it had been 
conveyed through the years, in whatever way, that person 
could claim land when a division was made, or could vote on 
the disposal of the proprietors' undivided territory. 

With this explanation, or setting forth of the principles of 
division, we are prepared to notice the divisions themselves, 
which are of two kinds : first, those made as an encourage- 
ment and help to the settlement ; second, those made on the 
principle of meadow dividends or meadow rights. The divis- 
ions made under the first head were probably two. The 
first of them was that of house-lots, which, as we have said, 
comprised only a comparatively small area, perhaps sufficient 
for a garden or orchard, and a small clearing about the door, 
and intended as an encouragement to the owner to continue 
there as a citizen. It is supposed these lots were given in an 
equable manner, the average being about four or five acres ; 
and when there is much variation from this, it was doubtless 
to make up for inequality of situation, soil, or some circum- 
stance which called for exception. It mattered not whether 
married or unmarried, each received a like lot. As a rule, it 
was expected that those receiving lots should build upon 
them, as the Colony Records state (Vol I., p. 222) that "Mr. 
Pelham and Walgrave are granted their lots at Sudbury abso- 
lutely w lh out condition of dwelling there only Mr. Pelham 
p mised to build a house and settle a family there & to be 
there as much as he could in the summer time." 


It was essential that the plantation should be peopled. The 
condition of the grant by the Colonial Court was, that there 
should be settled a certain number of families within a speci- 
fied time ; and, in case of failure, the lands were forfeited. 
It was an object, then, to encourage settlement by the gift of 
a lot for a homestead, and so much land as was essential to 
give the settler a start. Beside this first allotment for homes, 
at an early period an allotment was made of meadows, which 
may have also been for encouragement and help. An early 
rule for the apportionment of meadow, which we think may 
have been for this purpose, is this : — 

"It was ordered and agreed that the meadows of the town 
of Sudbury shall be laid out and given to the present inhab- 
itants, as much as shall be thought meet according to this 
rule following. 

Imprimis. To every Mr of a ffamilie G akers. 
To every wiffe 6£ akers. 

To every child 1J akers. 

To every mare, cow, ox, or any other cattle that may amount 
to 20 <£ or so much money 3 akers." 

We conjecture that lands given by this rule were for 
encouragement, from the fact that a house-lot of itself would 
not suffice to give a support, or afford food for the cattle. It 
was also essential that some meadow should at first be allowed 
on other than a property basis, as was the case in other divis- 
ions. The larger the household and the cattle herd, the more 
need of much meadow. We have no record to inform us 
how much meadow was assigned by this rule. By other 
rules, about a thousand acres, more or less, were divided; and 
if there were fifteen hundred acres of meadow in the grant 
which the court allowed, supposing as much was found to 
exist there, then about five hundred may have been divided 
in this way. By this rule, the settlers who came on the ship 
"Confidence " would receive about a hundred acres, allowing 
a fair amount for their stock. 

We come now to consider the second class of divisions 
referred to, viz. : those of the meadow lands which were to 


be as land dividends, or as the basis of assessments for raising 
money to meet public expenses, or for the allotment of other 
lands. It is supposed that three such divisions of meadow 
were made on different occasions, all before the close of the 
year 1640. An original record of these divisions has been 
given on the town books, but it is now so worn, that parts of 
it are entirely gone. It is placed early in the first book, and 
some one has added to it the date 1638, which is incorrect, 
since no divisions were made so soon. In another part of 
the first town book (p. 137) is found another list, signed by 
John Grout, a subsequent clerk. The list was probably 
copied by him from the original, before it became so defaced, 
or the lost part may have been restored by him from his per- 
sonal knowledge, or from some source not now extant. Still 
another list is given in the Stearns' Collection, written by 
Noah Clapp ; and other lists are given in the Proprietors' 
Book. We give the first list found in the original town book 
so far as it can be read, together with the preamble, and com- 
plete the list from the point where the part is wanting by the 
list of John Grout : — 

"A record of the names of the Inhabitants of Sudbuiy, 
with their several quantity of meadow to every one granted 
according to their estates or granted by gratulation for ser- 
vices granted by them, which meadow is ratable upon all 
common charges. 


The first 





M r William Pelham 




M r Edmund Brown 





M r Noyse 




Bryan Pendleton 





Walter Haine 





John Hayne 




John Blandford 




hugh Griffvn 




Edmond Goodnowe 




Bobert Beast 




Thomas Noyse 




Thomas Browne 






William Browne 
Robert Darnill 
Thomas Goodnow 
John Freeman 
Solomon Johnson 
william ward 
Richard Newton 
John Howe 
George Munnings 
Anthony whyte 
Andrew Belcher 
John Goodnowe 
John Reddock 
Thomas Whyte 
John Parmenter Senior 
Edmond Rice 
Henry Rice 

wyddow Buffamthwyte 
Henry Curtis 
John Stone 
John Parmenter Jim 
John Rutter 

The first 











































- 2 

























The following names are from 
the list of John Grout : — 

John Toll 



John Wood 




Henry Loker 





John Loker 




Widow Wright 




John Bent 





Nathaniel 1 Treadway 




• 2 

Widow Hunt 





John Maynard 




Joseph Taintor 




Richard Fordom 


Thomas Cakbread 


Mr. Herbert Pelham 


The first Gratu- 

division. Second. Third. lation. 

Mr. Glover 

Richard Bitlcom (Bildcome) 

Robert Davis 

Henrv Prentis 1| 4 2| 3 

W m Kerly 

Beside the list in this tabulated form, we have a record on 
the town book of the first two divisions of meadow, together 
with the reason assigned for the record and for the divisions 
of land, and also, in some cases, the locations of the lands. 
This record, which is as follows, we give in the order that is 
found in the book : — 

" It is ordered that all the inhabitants of this town shall 
have § of their total meadows laid out this present year, 
viz. : the first divided according to discretion, and the sec- 
ond by lot, and the quantity of every man's particular sum 
amounts to the sum following. 

" Here followeth a record of the particular quantity of the 
acres of meadows, which were laid out in the first division 
unto the inhabitants, as they lie successively upon the great 
River, with the allowance of such acres which were added 
to supply for the badness to be a proportionate rule to the 

" The 22 nd day of February 1639. 

"It is ordered and agreed that whereas now the commis- 
sioners of Sudbury have a levy to gather some money to pay 
for the purchase of our plantation, and also other rates for 
divers occasions, do order that all our rates shall now be gath- 
ered according to such quantity of meadows as are granted 
to the inhabitants of the town according to the rate or fixed 
propotion, as in pages following, which we have annexed for 
future reference. 

" Impr To Henry Prentise was laid out 1^ acres being his 
just quantity is to be rated for, and lieith on the north side 
of Bridle Point, so called now, and on the other side of the 
river, and adjoineth to the brook, the end bounded by marked 



John Parmenter Junior 



John How 


Richard Newton 


and an acre for allowance 

Andrew Belcher 


Hugh Griffyn 


Peter Noyse 


and 11 acres for allowance 

William Parker 


Thomas Whyte 


Thomas Browne 


and 3 for allowance 

John Parmenter Senior 


Joseph Tayntor 


and 2 acres for allowance 

1 acre for allowance 

Henry Loker 


John Blandford 


John Goodnow 


£ acre for allowance 

John Wood 


Bryan Pendleton 


Robert Hunt 


1 acre for allowance 

Richard Whyte 


Edmond Browne 


Thomas Goodnow 


2\ for allowance 

Anthony White 


George Munnings 


John Bent 


3^ for allowance 

Widow Noyes 


Walter Haynes 


William Browne 


James Buckmaster 


The Minister's Meadow 

John Freeman 


Thomas Joslyn 


Goodman Witherill 


Edmond Goodnow 


Solomon Johnson 


Thomas Hayne 


John Knight 


John Loker 


Nathaniell Treadaway 


Robert Beast 


Henry Curtise 


Robert Darnell 


John Stone 


Thomas Noyse 


John Reddicke 


John Maynard 


William Pellam 


and one acre for allowance. 

" Here followeth a record of the particular quantity of the 
acres of meadow which now laid out in the second division 
of them unto the inhabitants, as they fall to them by lot. 



Impr. John How 


Goodman Witherill 


Bryan Pendleton 


Hugh Griffin 


The Ministers Meadow 

Robert Hunt 


Nathaniel Tread way 


Richard Newton 


James Buckmaster 


Thomas Flyn 






John Parmenter Senior 


Robert Darnell 


John Ruddicke 


Henry Curtys 


John Blandford 


Robert Beast 


John Wood 


John Goodnow 


Thomas Haynes 


Edmond Goodnow 


William Brown 


8 for allowance 

Richard Whyte 

George Mannings 


Thomas Goodnow 


4 for allowance 

Andrew Belcher 


Anthony Whyte 


Widow Noyse 


Henry Prentise 


William Pellam 


John Parmenter Junior 


Thomas Browne 


William Parker 


John Stone 


Edmund Rice 


Heniy Loker 


Solomon Johnson 


" Peter Noyse had the moiety of his second addition of 
meadows, his 16 acres, laid out below next Concord bounds 
and he has laid out 6 acres more next adjoining unto 20 
acres laid out unto Edmond Browne, about and against the 
Bridle Point. Now in case the said Peter shall be inhibited 
from the enjoying of the said 16 acres last specified, it shall 
be lawful for the said Peter to have it laid out upon or in 
any meadow not laid out to any. 

" Edmond Browne is to have 15 acres for his second addi- 
tion, in part lying about the timber neck on the south side, 
if he accepteth it, and 20 acres laid out next over bridle 
point, which 2 acres if he shall not enjoy, or if Mr. Pellam 
cometh not up he is then to choose where he will have it 
laid out and upon any meadow that shall be assigned by and 
of Mr Herbert Pellam 

" 20 ,h 2 m : 

"Edmond Brown, Peter Noyse, 

"Bryan Pendleton, Walter Haynes, 
"Edmund Rice, George Munnings." 

Beside the foregoing record of the first two divisions, there 
is a record, which directly follows, of an " addition " made 
Nov. 18, 1640, which is this : — 



" We whose names are under written being chosen by the 
town of Sudbury, and part in commission for to assign to the 
inhabitants of such land as by order was given them which 
was called the third additions, have affixed unto them as 
followeth, the eighteenth day of November 1640. 

" Granted unto 

John Knight 



Joseph Tayntor 



Hugh Griffin 


These lands lie at gravel pitte. 



To John Stone 


John Wood 


Nathaniel Treadavvay 


William Ward 


Henry Curtys 


John Freeman 


John Reddicke 


Solomon Johnson 


Edmond Rice 


John Knight 


Edmond Goodenough 


Upon the south side 

of the 

land last above written. 



Brian Pendleton 


Widow Hunt 


Walter Haynes and John 

John Bent 




John Maynard 


Edmond Goodenough 


Thomas Jslyn 


John Goodenough 


Andrew Belcher 


William Kerly 


Thomas Goodnough 


Robert Beast 


Mr. Noyse 


Thomas Noyse 


William Brown 


John Waterman 


Thomas Brown 


Walter Haynes 


Anthony Whyte 


Bryan Pendleton 


Thomas Cakbread 


John Blandford 


John Parmenter Sr 


Edmond Rice 


Henry Loker 


John Howe 


John Goodnough 


Robert Darnill 


John Wood 


Henry Prentiss 


Widow Rite 


John Parmenter Jn 


John Loker 


Richard Newton 


" Peter Noyse, Bryan Pendleton, Edmond Rice, Walter 
Haynes, Edmund Goodnough." 


Such are some of the larger land divisions recorded in the 
earlier days of the town, and before the division of the new- 
grant on the west side. Other divisions took place as the 
years went by. Not only the meadows but the uplands 
were parcelled out and apportioned, some for public use, 
some to the early grantees, and some to individuals in return 
for value or service. 

In 1642 an addition of upland was made " in acres accord- 
ing to the 1st and 2ond divisions of meadows granted unto 
them by the rule of their estate ; and Peter Noyes, Bryan 
Pendleton, George Munnings, Edmund Rice and Edmund 
Goodenow were to have power to lay out the 3d division at 
their discretion." 

In 1678 John Loker was to have for a house and some 
land which the town desired of him for the minister, and 
which was situated just west of the meeting-house, " twenty 
pounds of money of New England, and also forty acres of 
land on the west side of the great river of Sudbury, in some 
place of the common land, that he, the said John Loker, shall 
choose, near to that called the World's End. Only it is to 
be on the eastern side of the highway, that there leads from 
Pantry Bridge to Concord, and lieth also on the north side of 
the Pantry and Gulf meadows." 

Rev. Mr. Sherman, also, about the same time, was to have 
" six acres of common upland, being on the back side of the 
town, at the end of Smith field ; and also six acres of meadow 
ground, some where out of the common meadows of this 
town." He was also to pasture his cattle on the common 
lands, and have firewood and timber from them. 

These records show that a variety and abundance of terri- 
tory was at the disposal of the town as late as towards the 
last of the seventeenth century ; but years after the town 
had ceased to apportion undivided lands to the inhabitants, 
and the original grantees were all or nearly all dead, there 
existed a portion of territory owned and controlled by par- 
ties who were called in their record book " y e Proprietors of 
y e Common and undivided land in Sudbury." These pro- 
prietors based their claim to this property on the transferred 
ownership and right of the original grantees. These proprie- 


tors met at times far along into the eighteenth century. They 
kept a record of their meetings, transacted business in an 
orderly way, and determined matters by majority vote. By 
their records we learn that they sold and gave away lands, 
discontinued and laid out highways, and allowed territory to 
the town for public purposes. About the beginning of the 
eighteenth century the persons making up this proprietary, 
as given in their records, are as follows : — 

Thomas Frink, John Allen, 

Win, Jennison, Jonas Barnard, 

Peter Jennison, Joseph Noyes, 

David Haynes, John Grout, 

Peter Haynes, Jonathan Rice, 

Samuel Wright, John Adams, 

Widow Blandford, John Parmenter, 

Jonas Rice, Elisha Rice, 

Caleb Jonson, Nathaniel Rice, 

Samuel Howe, Samuel Graves, 
Attorney for Mr. Ed. Pelham, Jonathan Grout, 

Thomas Reed, Benjamin Parmenter, 

John Smith, James Reed, 

Thomas Godfrey, John Long, 

Joseph Moore, John Loker, 

Benjamin Moore, John Haynes, 

Jonathan Griffin, Hopestill Bent, 

Thomas Brown, Thomas Brown, Jr. 

The names of the proprietors changed as the years passed 
by. They held their meetings at a private residence, and 
one house is designated on their records as the place where 
they convened for years. Their lands were widely scattered 
throughout the town, and were divided sometimes by lot. 
When a difference existed that was not settled among them- 
selves, they referred the matter to others. In 1705 a com- 
mittee, consisting of Edward Goffe, Joseph Noyes and Joseph 
Sherman, were chosen by the proprietors for the adjustment 
of matters relating to their division, and the following is the 
report, Sudbury, March 15, 1705 : — 


" We whose names are underwritten being chosen as a 
committee by the Proprietors of the Common Land in Sud- 
bury to adjust and settle the difference between persons 
drawing their rights in the division of common land either 
by rate or by meadow Ave the subscribers do agree that he 
that hath right in the common land by his meadow and 
chooses to draw by his rate our opinion is that every person 
who hath a right in ye common by virtue of his meadow and 
chooses to draw by his rate made in the year 1655 that two 
shillings in s d rate shall be equal in proportion with y e right 
of one acre of meadow provided the rate did arise upon their 
own proper estate. 

"Edward Noyes, Joseph Noyes, Joseph Sherman." 

Thus at an early date was the land tract first assigned by 
the Colonial Court for the settlement apportioned and set 
apart for private and public purposes. Little, doubtless, did 
those early inhabitants conceive of the changed condition 
that a century would bring forth. Little did they think that 
their meadow paths would become county roads, and their 
cow commons the site of thriving villages. 

A few specimens of the proprietors' records may serve to 
show something of the character and doings of " y e Proprie- 
tors of y e Common and Undivided lands of Sudbury : " — 

" Sudbury, Janary y e 15 th 1705. 

"Att a meeting of The Proprietors of y e Common and 
undivided Land In Sudbury Tho Browne was Chosen mod- 
erator To Gary on y e work of Sd Day By a vote of y e Pro- 
prietors of The Common and undivided Land in Sudbury 
Thomas Frink was Chosen and Sworn, at y e above sd meet- 
ing, To Perform y e office of a Clark for y e proprietor as above 
sd. By Thomas Brown Justes of y e peace. 

"Att y e above s d meeting, voted y l y e proprietors of y e Com- 
mon and undivided land In Sudbury will Lay out all or part 
of Their undivided Lands In Sudbury. Att y e above sd 
meeting voted y l Samuell King ** Graves William Jenison 
Are Chosen a Commitey to prosecute Those y' have or Shall 


Traspass In falling of wood or timber on our undivided 

" Sudbury, febuaiy 13 th 1707-8. 

" Upon the Consideration of the Great Strip and waste of 
y e wood and timber In the Comon or undivided Land In 
Sudbury, and in an espesiall manner In the Lands called the 
Cow Comons, for the prevention hereof we the Commetey 
hereafter named Doe notefy the Proprietors of said Common 
or undivided Land, to meet at the House of Susanna Blan- 
ford on tuesday the 24 th of this Instant, feburary at ten of 
the Clock on said Da}', then and there to take sum speedy 
Care for the prevention thereof, By Laying out said Lands 
Either part of it or the whole, Either In said Cow Commons 
or without the Cow commons : or any other Business said 
Proprietors shall see cause to act or Doe when meet on said 

" Sudbury October 24 th , 1710 at a meeting of y e Proprie- 
tors Of y e Common and undivided Land in Sudbury which 
meeting was by adjournment from Sept 19 1710 Cap John 
Goodenow Petitioning to y e Proprietors to buy of Them one 
acre of land in sudbury on y e west side of The River being 
y e point of Land between y e road y' Leads to Marlborough 
Northerly: and to Lanham southerly And Esterly of y e Land 
of Thomas Brintnall without any violation to Her Majes a 
Highways on every side." 

" Sudbury February 16 17 \l At a meeting of }' e Proprie- 
tors Of the Common and undivided Land in Sudbury which 
meeting was by adjorunment from January 12 : 1712-13. 
Said Proprietors by a vote Granted to John Brooks and his 
wife During Their Natural Lives having a small Hous on 
the same And is Fenced in : : Shall be and Remaine for 
Ever for the use of the poor To be ordered and Disposed of 
by the selectmen of Sudbury for y e use and Benefit of the 
poor. Likewise said Proprietors Granted y l There should 
be so much Land Added to this Land as to make y e same 

seven acres of the Land near or adjoining to y e same 

Likewise y e Proprietors Granted that There should be Two 
Acres of Land added to the Donation of Ensign Peter Noyes 


to the Town of Sudbury for the use of the poor. The said 
Two Acres to be Laid out as said David Hayns shall Judge 
most conveniant Joyning to said Donation. Likewise said 
Proprietors Granted that There shall be a further Addition 
to } re above said Donation of Ensign Noyes and Impowered 
sarj David Hayns to lay out so much Land as he shall think 
needful for flowing and in larging the mill pond." 

"Sudbury May 25 th 1713. At a Meeting of y e Proprie- 
tors of the Common and undivided Land in Sudbury which 
Meeting was by Adjournment from March The 23: 1713 
The Proprietors Chosen and Impowered The Comitte here- 
after Named To view and lay out Two Conveniant Training 
places or Fields in said Sudbury and on each side y e River 
where it may Be most Conveniant and the Comitte are to 
agree with any p r son or p r sons y l owneth y e Land y* is most 
Convenient for said Training places if Land may not Con- 
veniently be found for said uses in y e said undivided Land 
in said Sudbury: the Comitte are Capt Brown Capt Hayns 
Leiut Frink Leiut Hayns Ens Noyes Ens John Balcom 
Quart r Brintnal Quarf Carter y e Major part of said Comitte 
are Impowered to act in said affair and to make Return of 
Their Doings in it to y e Proprietors at their next meeting : 
Likewise the Proprietors Adjourned their meeting to the 
14 Day Septemb 1713 to be at y e hous of Mrs Susan ah 
Blanford in said Sudbury at Twelve of y e clock Noon on 
said Day." 

At a meeting "of y e Proprietors of The Common and undi- 
vided Land in Sudbury on June y e 14: 1714 = said Pro- 
prietors by a vote Granted y l the Land Layd out on y e East 
side of y e River in said Sudbury for a Training Field shall 
Lye for y e use aforesaid for ever according to y e Plott and 
return of y e Comitte : : Said Proprietors at said meeting by 
a vote Adjourned their meeting untill Monday the 28 of this 
Instant June at Twelve of y e Clock noon of said Day: to be 
at y e Hous of Mrs Susan ah Blanford in said Sudbury." 

The proprietors, at a meeting on April 5, 1715, " granted 
by a vote to Ens John Noyes a Liberty To fence in the old 
burying place but yet y e said Noyes his heirs and assigns are 
for ever prohibited and hindered from breaking up said bury- 


ing Place or seting up any building on the same it being kept 
and reserved for burying ground. 

"Peter Hayns, Moderator." 

" Sudbury July 1715 : Upon The Desire of John Rice Jun 
yt he might have a high way from his hous into the Country 
road To pass to meeting Market & Mill &c: we the Sub- 
scribers being Apointed by the Proprietors &c for The 
Squadron have Layd out an Open high way of Two rods 
wide Beginning at the said Rice Land near his Barn on the 
south Side To y e road that leads To Framingham, and 
marked Trees runing from where we began The Cow Comon 
Land To Ensig" Jonathan Rices Lot, so runing through that 
to The South east Corner of Mathew Gibbs his field, and so 
along by his fence to the road upon Lanham Plain, and the 
said Jonathan Rice being present Did Agree, Provided the 
Proprietors would make him Allowance And he would have 
his Allowances Upon the Gravel Hill by his hous. 

44 Benj min Moor, ) „ . 

44 Sam- Wright, j Comitte ' 

14 Sudbury February 26: 1716: 17: at a meeting of y e Pro- 
prietors of the Comon and undivided Land in Sudbury by 
adjournment from December 18: 1716 voted by the Proprie- 
tors that they will have another Addition as big as their 
Division first Layd out in the Comon and undivided Land 
in Sudbury. And that they will draw lots who shall be y e 
first and so successively till all the Lots are Drawn Pitched 
and Layd out and if any Proprietor after notice given him 
by the Surveyor or Chain ... By y e Comittes order or y e 
Committe To pitch their Lots Doe neglect or refuse to Doe 
the same, and not pitch Their Lot or Lots in the space of 
Twenty four hours after notice given : That then the Comitte 
shall pitch It and the surveyors shall proceed to the next 
Lot or Lots every man paying the charge before any Record 
be made of it." 

44 The proprietors voted that there shall be a Burying 
place Layd out on the west side of The River of one acre 
and a half in y e most Convenient Place : Cap 1 Hayns M r 
Peter Hayns Sarj Benj Moors Lt Hayns Corp 1 Nathan el Rice 


are the Comitte Chosen by the Proprietors to Doe this 

"At a meeting of the proprietors held 1717 At the house 
of Mrs. Susannah Blanford there is the following record of 
roads granted to be laid out. Highway laid out in the south 
squadron on y e West Side of The River in Sudbury Aprill 
1715 by us the Subscribers A highway from y e Country 
road To Blandford's pond of four rods wide beginning 
Between Sam 11 wrights and Joseph Goodnows and so by 
Lt Thomas Brintnalls hous and so by Brooks s and over 
green hill and over Pinners wash to y e Said Pond marked 
as the path now runs and So to be Lye and continue. The 
said highway to run up to the Thirty rod highway at the 
new grants This Said highway to be held four rod wide and 
at Benj wrights land bounded by said Land and by wrights 
land where it toucheth : : Also a highway out of said High- 
way into Lancaster Road beginning on y e North end of Green 
hill so running Down to Noah Claps Land on the nor west 
corner as the path now goes by the Land of Benj Moor as 
the path goes to Long meadow brook Between y e land of 
said Moor from thence as the path goes to the lower end of 
south meadow into Lancaster road holding four rods wide 
through ; and marked trees all along : Also a highway from 
Brooks 3 Hous into the mill path and so over Goodmans Hill 
as the path goes the Said road to be a bridle road through 
Lt Thorn 5 Brintnells Land by Brooks s for People to pas and 
repass with horse and team without molestation or interrup- 
tion with opening and shutting gates after Them : not being- 
allowed to Cutt any wood within said Brintalls Land or 
fences : and to be an open road then to the end running as 
the path goes By the Land of Benj Moor unto the Mill Path 
and to the corner of Thomas Plympton Land and so over 
Goodmans Hill." 

Such are some of "y e Proprietors' " records that have date 
after 1700. But a few specimens have been selected from 
the scores of pages contained in their book. As the pro- 
prietors held their meetings several times in a year, and met 
occasionally more than once a month, their records consid- 


erably accumulated as time passed by. In the present, we 
hear little or nothing of " y e Proprietors' " acts ; tradition is 
silent concerning them ; but old bridle-ways and cart-paths, 
that may be marked by fallen or moss-covered walls, were 
first traced, it may be, by "y e Proprietors'" committee, as 
they laid out a right-of-way to some ancient meadow lot, or 
to some wood-land just divided up. Though the farm boy 
knows little of the lane to the pasture bars, except that the 
herd pass along it, and the farmer little of the history of his 
familiar home, yet "y e Proprietors" may have determined 
the locality of both homestead and lane at a meeting held at 
Susannah Blanford's, where they Ave re accustomed to meet. 
The old oak left alone on the hillside, or that midway stands 
on the plain, may have been " blazed " by strokes of the pro- 
prietors' axe, and served as a boundary of some new allot- 
ment. Thus, though no chronicler may trace out their ways, 
nor map off their ancient domain, various farms in the town 
contain more or less of the many broad acres of "y e Proprie- 
tors' Common and undivided lands." 

After the divisions of the toAvn land, care Avas taken to 
have them duly recorded. This is indicated by the following 
record from the Toavii Book : — 

" In a public toAvn meeting, Avarned for the examination of 
the record of land according to the town grant, which thing 
Avas duly performed, all the record both first and last, respect- 
ing the town grant to the inhabitants, were published read 
and approved ; and hereupon the toAvn ordered, that any 
Inhabitant should have liberty to repair to Hugh Griffin our 
town clerk, Avho upon their desire, shall Avithin three days 
space, give them a true copy of the record of such land as 
they have record of in the town book under his hand Avhich 
shall be a correct title, they pa}dng the clerk for his service." 

It Avas not only a privilege to have a record of lands pre- 
served, but at an early date it Avas made compulsory. In 
1641 it Avas ordered that all Avho had land laid out should 
bring in a copy of it, that it might be recorded by the tAven- 
tieth day of September; and, for neglecting to do this, twenty 
shillings Avere to be forfeited. 


We do not propose to engage in the work of locating each 
allotment of land; this could not be done in many instances, 
and, if undertaken, would be liable to mistakes, so often 
did property change hands in those days. Moreover, the 
boundary marks that were made use of oftentimes were of a 
transient or changeable character, which, though familiar to 
the people of that generation, are now wholly obliterated. 
For example : — 

"•Here folio we th the line of the new grants with the mark. 
1 a black oak 2 a white oak, 3 a black oak 4 a black oak 
dead 5 a walnut tree, 6 a white oak near Jethro's field, 7 a 
lone red oak, [8] in a swamp a dead [red] oak, 9 a white 
ash tree in a run of water, 10 a naked pine tree on rocky 
hill, 11 a chestnut, 12 a white oak, 13 a white oak, 14 a 
white oak, 15 is a dead black oak stands at the westerly 
corner with a heap of stones at the root of the tree. 

" John Goodnow in the name of the rest who went 
last on parambulation." 

(Date 1640.) 

While the early land divisions were being made, reserva- 
tions were also made of lands for pasturage, which it was 
understood were to remain undivided. These lands were 
called "Cow Commons," and the record of them explains 
their use. The first was laid out or set apart the 26th of 
November, 1643, and was on the east side of the river. The 
record concerning the location is as follows : — 

" It is concluded by the town that all the lands south- 
ward that lie from the southeast corner of the house-lot 
of Robert Darnill, unto the common cartbridge going to 
Edmund Goodnow's meadow, and so upon a strait line to 
Watertown bound, which lands so granted, for a cow com- 
mon, shall never be reserved or laid down without the con- 
sent of every Inhabitant that hath right in commonage. All 
the lands we say that are contained within these terms, that 
is between the houselot of Robert Darnill and the cartbridge 
before specified, southward within the five miles bound first 
granted, down to the great river, and bounded on the side 



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which the extremity of our line bounding Watertown and 
Sudbury, all our land contained within these terms except all 
such land as have been granted out in particular, that is to 
say a neck of upland lying between mill brook and Pine 
brook, also another neck of land with the flat belonging to 
it lying between the aforesaid neck and the great river on 
the other side, also another plat of land that lieth westward 
from them, containing some 3 or 4 score acres and granted 
out to particular men. 

" The Inhabitants of the town are to be limited and sized, 
in the putting in of cattle upon the said commoYt in propor- 
tion according to the quantity of meadow the said inhabi- 
tants are stated in upon the division of the meadow, or shall 
be instated in by purchase hereafter, provided they buy with 
the meadow the liberty of commonage alloted to such a quan- 
tity of acres as shall be purchased. 

" Bryan Pendleton, Walter Hayne, 
" Peter Noyes, William Ward, 

"John Wood, Thomas Jslyn, 

" Edmund Goodnow, Thomas Goodnow, 
" John Reddicke." 

It is somewhat difficult to define the bounds of this cow 
common exactly from the description given in the records, 
but the following may be considered its general outline : 
From Weston bound direct to Wayland centre, thence west 
of south to the river, and thence again direct to Weston 

The cow common on the west side was reserved in 1647, 
and is thus described in the Town Book: — 

" It is ordered by the town that there shall be a cow com- 
mon laid out on the west side of the river to remain in per- 
petuity, with all the upland within these bounds, that is to 
say, all the upland that lies within the bound that goes from 
Bridle point through Hopp meadow, and so to the west line, 
in the meadow of Walter Hayne, and all the upland within 
the gulf and the pantre brook to the uper end of the meadow 
of Robert Darnill, and from thence to the west line, as it 
shall be bounded by some men appointed by the town, 


except it be such lands as are due to men already, and 
shall be laid out according to the time appointed by the 
town. Walter Hayne and John Groute are appointed to 
bound the common, from Goodman Darnill's meadow to the 
west line." 

The territory which was comprised in this common may 
be outlined, very nearly, by the Massachusetts Central Rail- 
road on the south, the Old Colony Railroad on the west, 
Pantry Brook on the north, and the river on the east. It 
will be noticed that these two commons included most of the 
hilly portions of the town, on both sides of the river; and it 
was doubtless the design of the settlers to reserve for com- 
mon pasturage these lands, because less adapted to easy cul- 
tivation. But in process of time they ceased to be held in 
reserve. More or less controversy subsequently arose about 
what was known as " sizing the commons," and by the early 
part of the next century they were all divided up and appor- 
tioned to the inhabitants ; and now over the broad acres of 
those ancient public domains are scattered pleasant home- 
steads and fertile farms, and a large portion of three consid- 
erable villages, namely, Sudbury, South Sudbury, and Way- 
land Centre. 

Beside the reservation of territory for common pasturage, 
lands were laid out "for the use of the ministry." Two 
such tracts were laid out on each side of the river, consist- 
ing of both meadow and upland, which were let out to indi- 
viduals, the income derived therefrom going towards the 
minister's salary. The lands that were situated on the west 
side have passed from public to private possession, being 
sold in 1817 for $3,200.98. 

Various other portions of land were reserved for public 
use. In 1647 fifty acres of upland about Hop Brook Meadow 
(South Sudbury), "near the cart-path that goes over the 
brook," was " to be reserved for the use of the town when 
they shall set a mill upon it." (See period 1650-75.) 
Lands situated in various places were assigned for general 
planting fields. (See Chapter VIII.) A training field was 
laid out in 1640, consisting of about nine acres, near the 


present Abel Gleason estate, a portion of it lying southerly 
of Mr. Gleason's house. And the same year there was 
reserved in the space enclosed by the first streets, and lying 
in the direction of Mill Brook or the present Concord and 
Way land highway a common pasture "for working oxen." 

Besides the reservations thus made, there were small tracts 
set apart for timber lands or other public purposes. In 1642 
three swamps were reserved ; " one back of the house [lot] 
of Walter Haynes, and by a fresh pond ; " " another lying 
under the north side of a hill called Long Hill lying towards 
Concord;" and "another swamp that butteth against Con- 
cord line ; also these swamps are reserved in common for the 
use of the inhabitants." 

April 5, 1662, it was " ordered that the town of Sudbury 
will keep the said one hundred and thirty acres of land 
which the said Thomas Noyes did lay down at Doescine 
Hill [Doeskin Hill, Nobscot District] to be a peculiar store 
of timber for the use of the town. Also voted that no 
inhabitant of Sudbury whatsoever shall fell any tree or trees 
whatsoever growing upon the said one hundred and thirty 
acres at Doescine Hill upon the forfeiture of 19s. a tree." 
In 1685 the town ordered that there should be " a piece of 
ten or a dozen acres of the best timber land at or about 
Goodman's Hill for a reserve for timber for the town's only 


Miscellaneous. — Laws Concerning Domestic Animals, Birds, Wolves, 
Ammunition and Fire-arms. — Common Planting Fields. — Fence 
Viewers and Fences — Staple Crops. — Meadow Grass; Abundance, 
Time and Price of Cutting, Measures for Improving. — Mode of 
Travel. — Staking the Causeway. — Climate. — Rain and Snow Fall. 

— Occasion of Floods. — Breaking Out Roads. — Care of the Poor. — 
Laws for the Prevention of Poverty Enacted by the Town ; by the 
Province. — Town Action for the Encouragement of Industry. — 
Education. — Morality. — Instruction in the Use of Fire-arms. — 
Tything-men. — Stocks. — Lecture Day. — Fasts. — Baptism of In- 
fants. — Laws Relating to Labor. — Payments Often Made in Produce. 

— Negroes Bought and Sold. — Copy of Bill of Sale. — Schedule of 
Inhabitants a Century and a Half Ago — Respect Shown by the Use 
of Titles; by Gratulation ; by Seating in the Meeting-House. — Care- 
ful of Dues. — Precaution Against Fire. — Borrowing Canoes. — 
Board of the Representatives. — Peculiar Names of Places. 

For the structure that we raise, 

Time is with materials filled; 
Our to-days and yesterdays 

Are the blocks with which we build. 


In early colonial days, and also later in the provincial 
period, laws were enacted and customs existed that now 
look curious and quaint. These laws and customs were the 
result, not only of the characteristic ways of the people, but 
also of the condition and circumstances of the country and 
the times. These changed, new rules and practices came 
into use ; and, as we become accustomed to them, the old 
look far distant, as if belonging to another race. It is our 
purpose in the present chapter to relate some of these cus- 
toms, usages and laws, and also to give an account of some 
incidental matters that belong not only to this but to subse- 


quent periods. To do this by grouping them in a single 
chapter will make less of a break in the narrative than to 
mention them in chronological order as we proceed with this 


In 1641 it was ordered that " every one that keeps any 
hogs more than his own within one fortnight after this day 
shall rid them out of this town only that for every hog 
that shall be taken in to be kept by any won more than his 
own for every week shall pay five shillings." In 1643 it was 
ordered " that every inhabitant should drive out his hog 
every morning into the wood, and when they come home at 
night to see them shut up safe or else if they be about the 
street to ring and yoke them." In 1643 it was voted in town 
meeting, " that every swine that shall be found of any man 
out of his own properity without a sufficient yoke and ring, 
after the first of March next, the owner thereof shall forfeit 
for every swine so taken one shilling, and if the swine be 
yoked and not ringed or ringed and not yoked, then six 
pence for any swine so taken, beside all the damage done by 
any such swine." It was also " agreed that all yokes should 
be under the throat of the swine, and so long as the swine 
was high and a rope go up on each side to be fastened above, 
and that swine should not be accounted sufficiently ringed if 
they could root." 

In 1643 it was "ordered by the freemen of the town that 
all the cattle within this town shall this summer not be 
turned abroad without a keeper, and the keeper shall not 
keep any of the herd in any of the great river meadows from 
Bridle Point downwards towards Concord, the intent of the 
order to preserve the river meadows." In 1655 it was 
orderd that "all young new weaned calves shall be herded 
all the summer time." 

It was ordered that "every goat that is taken in any man's 
garden, orchard or green corn shall be impounded and the 
owner shall pay for any such goat so taken 3 pence." 

In 1754 it was voted "that a fine of two shillings be laid 
upon the owner of any dog or dogs that, should cause and 


make any disturbance at either of the meeting-houses on the 
Lord's day, or Sabbath day, one half of the fine was to go to 
complainant and the other half to the use of the town." 

There is a record of a contract made with William Brown 
and Edmund Goodnow for making a pound. It was to be 
six feet or six and a half from the ground to the top of the 
upper rail, the posts a foot square, with seven rails, the upper 
vail pinned at each end. In 1664 Joseph Noyes was to keep 
the pound, and to have "four pence for every particular 
man's cattle every time they are impounded." The only 
pound, so far as we know, that within a few years belonged 
to the town of Sudbury, was situated at the northeast corner 
of the Sudbury Centre old burying-ground. 

In 1647 the town mark ordered by " y e General Co'te for 
Horses to be set upo n one of y e nere y r t rs " was "Sudberry." 
(Colony Records, Vol. II., p. 225.) 


In 1651 it was ordered by the town " that whoso shall 
take pains by nets, guns, line or otherwise, to destroy com- 
mon offensive blackbirds, whether old or young, that for 
encouragement therein, they shall be paid for every dozen 
of heads of those birds that are brought to any public town 
meeting, six pence in the next town rate." The order was 
to continue five years, and the birds were to be killed in 
town and by the people of the town. The law for destroy- 
ing blackbirds as late as 1700 stood thus : " Voted that what 
Persons of or belonging to Sudbury shall kill any old black- 
birds from the 29 th March 1700, to the last of May 1700, 
shall have a pennv per hed." In 1654 a person who killed 
a woodpecker or jay might receive one penny. The same 
year an inhabitant killing a fox within the town precincts 
was allowed one shilling six pence. 


That an order was passed relating to wolves we learn from 
the following notice of its repeal in 1646: "The order for 
wolves, that was formerly made by the town was ten shil- 
lings for any wolf killed within this town, is repealed." 


Whether the bounty was too great, or the wolves had 
become thinned out, we know not. But, though this 
order was repealed, an order relating to these animals was 
passed afterwards. In 1679 " the town granted in addi- 
tion to the ten shillings which the law gave ten shillings 
more, upon the presentation of the wolf's head to the town 
constable." The wolf was to be killed in town, but it was 
ordered that " all borderers that paid town rates, that killed 
any wolf upon their own lands tho' not within the town 
lands, should have the reward." As this order was after 
King Philip's war, it may be that during its continuance the 
wolves increased. If some of the more exposed estates were 
during that period abandoned, the wild animals of the woods 
might have been left to a freer range than was allowed them 
for a season before the war. A wolf bounty was granted as 
late as 1709, when the town allowed "any of y e inhabitants 
of Sudbury that kills any wolf or wolves above a month old 
within y e Bound of Sudbury shall have ten shillings allowed 
him or them." 


In 1653, "The town appointed Edmund Goodnow and 
Hugh Griffin to divide the shot and overplus of bullets to 
the inhabitants, what was wanting in shot to make up out of 
the overplus of bullets, and the shot and bullets to be divided 
to each man his due by proportion according to what every 
man paid so near as they can." 

In 1669, "Edmund Goodnow, John Parmenter, Jr., and 
John Stone were to see to the barrel of powder, to the trial 
of it, to the heading it up again, and to take some course for 
the safe bestowing of it." 

The same year the selectmen not only ordered for the pro- 
viding of a barrel of powder, but a hundred pounds and a half 
of musket bullets, and a quarter of a hundred of matches. 
When the third meeting-house was built, it was ordered that 
there should be in it " a conveniant place for the storing of 
the ammunition of the town over the window in the south- 
west ffable." About that time the town's stock of ammuni- 
tion was divided and intrusted to persons who would " engage 


to respond for the same" in case that it was "not spent in 
real service in the resistance of the enemy." 

The Colonial Court at an early date ordered that " the 
town's men in every town shall order that ev'y house, or 
some two or more houses ioyne together for the breeding 
of salt peetr i' some out house used for poultry or the like." 
The duty of looking after this matter for Sudbury was 
assigned to Ensign Cakebread. The saltpetre thus obtained 
was for the manufacture of gunpowder. In 1645, Sudbury 
was "freed from y e taking further care about salt peeter 
houses : : : in answer to their petition." 

In 1642 the Court made more stringent the laws previously 
existing against selling fire-arms to the Indians, exacting a 
forfeiture of .£10 for the sale to them of a gun, and £5 for a 
pound of powder. 

In 1643 the Court ordered " that the military officers in 
every town shall appoint what arms shall be brought to the 
meeting-house on the Lord's days, and other times of meet- 
ing, and to take orders at farms and houses remote that 
ammunition bee safely disposed of that an enemy may not 
possess himself of them." 


In the town's earlier years it was the practice to plant fields 
in common ; and repeatedly in the records are these common 
fields referred to. These planting places were situated in dif- 
ferent parts of the town ; between the old North and South 
street in the neighborhood of the Gleasons, also between Mill 
Brook and Pine Brook along "the Plain" in the vicinity of 
the Drapers, and towards the south bound of the town, near 
the new bridge. In 1642, five general planting fields are 
spoken of. Various reasons suggest themselves for this 
planting in common. The "plow lands" that were easily 
worked were comparatively few as late as 1654, as Johnson 
states in his " Wonder Working Providence." (See Chap. I.) 
When there was a large open space of easy cultivation, it 
was better to make of it one field, that several might share 
in its benefits. Moreover, these fields required vigilant 
watching to protect them from marauding beasts and birds ; 


the several owners of the crops could stand guard by turns, 
and so many hands make light work ; sometimes, also, it 
would be necessary to join teams. Besides these general 
fields, there were also " men's particular fields." 


A good degree of attention was early bestowed by the town 
on its fences. Several surveyors were appointed each year 
to look after them ; and although the office of " fence viewer" 
has now gone into disuse, it was once one of considerable 
responsibility. As early as 1655, " Surveyors were appointed 
to judge of the sufficiency of the fences about men's particu- 
lar properties in cases of damage and difference." We read 
in the records that John Maynard and John Blanford were, 
a certain year, to attend to the fences "of the field and the 
cornfield on the other side of the way from the pond to the 
training place." " Edmund Rice and Thomas Goodenow for 
all the fences of cornfields from new bridge southward within 
the town bound." 

In 1674, " The work of fence viewing on the west side of 
the river was assigned to Serjeant : : Haynes, Thomas Reed 
and Edward Wright. These were appointed surveyors of 
all the field fences on the west side of the great river of the 
town and Lanham Penobscott new mill." The persons ap- 
pointed to view the fences, likewise, had power to enforce 
their orders. In 1641, " It was ordered that those men who 
were deputed to look after the fences shall have power to 
distrain for every rod of fence not lawful, half a bushel of 
corn, the one-half to him that looks to the fence the other 
half to the town." 

In 1666 the records state that " Persons were appointed 
surveyors for this year over the fields where Henry Loker 
dwells, and the field fences, where Solomon Johnson dwell- 
eth." Field fences are mentioned as being on the south side 
of Pine Brook, also as being between Mill Brook and Pine 
Brook ; also, " upon the hill from the little pond by the 
dwelling house of John Blanford unto Mill brook." Sev- 
eral kinds of fences were used. One kind was made by 
ditching. It was ordered, in 1671, "That all the great river 


meadows shall be fenced, that is to say that all the proprie- 
tors of the great river meadows shall fence the heads or both 
ends of the meadows, and where it may be necessary, to have 
a ditch made from the upland to the river at the charge of the 
squadron that shall lie on both sides of the said ditch accord- 
ing to their benefit." For the upland, also, this mode of 
fencing was sometimes used. By the roadside, about half 
way between Wayland Centre and the Plain, are distinct 
traces of one of these ancient fences. 

Hedges were sometimes made use of. Mention is made of 
fences that were to be made up " of good rails well set three 
feet and one-half high or otherwise good hedge well staked 
or such fences as would be an equivelant the fences to be 
attended to by April 1 st if the frost give leave if not then 
ten days after." After a certain date all the field fences 
were to be closed, as is indicated by the following : " It is 
ordered, that all the fences that are in general fields, in this 
town of Sudbury, shall be shut up by the 10th May or else 
to forfeit for every rod unfenced five shillings." 


Some of the staple crops were Indian corn, — sometimes 
called by the one word "Indian," — rye, barley, wheat, peas 
and oats. Hemp and flax were also raised. 

Hay was early a great staple article ; this, as we have 
noticed, the river meadows bountifully produced. To such 
an extent did this crop abound, that the settlers not only 
kept their own stock, but they received cattle from abroad. 
(See Chapter I.) 

The time for cutting the meadow grass is indicated by such 
statements as these. When Sergant John Rutter hired the 
Ashen swamp meadow, " he was to cut the grass by the 10 th 
of July, or else it shall be lawful for any other man to cut 
the said meadow." He was to pay for it that year 4s. and 6 
pence. Such prices as the following are also mentioned : two 
bushels of wheat and one bushel of Indian corn for Long 
Meadow. Strawberry Meadow was let out the same 3 r ear, 
1667, for one bushel of wheat ; also the minister's meadow 
in Sedge Meadow was let out for eight shillings to be paid in 


Indian corn ; Ashen Swamp Meadow was let out the same 
year to Ensign John Grout for three shillings, to be paid 
one-half in wheat, the other in Indian corn. The meadow 
on the southeast side of the town was let out to Henry Rice 
for a peck of wheat. These, we think, were probably com- 
mon meadows of the town, and let out from year to year. 

Measures were taken from time to time for improving the 
meadow lands. In 1645, a commission was granted by the 
colonial authorities (Colony Records, Vol. II., p. 99) "for 
y e btt r & impvng of y e medowe ground vpon y e ryver running 
by Concord & Sudberry." Later, also in 1671, a levy of 
four pence an acre was to be made " upon all the meadow 
upon the great river for the clearing of the river ; that is, 
from Concord line to the south side, and to Ensign Grout's 
spring.*' J 


The travel by vehicle in those early times was, for the 
most part or wholly, by means of the cart, as we infer from 
the mention of this term in connection with bridges and 
ways ; as Avliere the Court orders that Sudbury should 
make cartways, and as in a contract for a cart-bridge over 
the river, and a cart-bridge at Lanham. This was probably 
a clumsy conveyance, and used for farm work and freight, 
rather than for passenger travel. 

Travelers probably went on horseback or on foot ; in early 
times the pillion was used, by which two could ride on one 
beast. To keep people from danger in passing over the 
causeway, stakes were arranged along the roadside, and we 
read about 1742 of staking the long causeway for a guide. 
In 1730, the following article is found in a warrant: "To see 
if the town Avill take care and order that the fences on the 
north side of the Long causeway be taken or struck down so 
as to prevent the snow from drifting thereon." 


The following records will serve to indicate the character 
of the climate at that period compared with the present. It 
was at one time ordered by the town that the fences should 


be set by the 1st or the 10th of April. In 1642. "it was 
ordered that no cattle were to be found on the planting fields 
and all the fences were to be up by March 1st." 

Tradition says the snow-fall was formerly greater than at 
present. If this is so, the fact may be due to the removal of 
a great quantity of timber. The same cause might also lessen 
the fall of rain. Greater rain-falls and the retention of mois- 
ture in the vast forest tracts may have enlarged the small 
streams, and rendered them more efficient for mill -power 
than they are now. The same cause may have made exten- 
sive river floods. This may also explain the fact that for- 
merly there were freshets, notwithstanding the absence of 
dams along the river course. 

But if the temperature was ordinarily about the same as it 
is now, there were seasons of unusual severity. 

" In y e year 1667 from y e middle of November until y e mid- 
dle of March was the tereblest winter for continuance of frost 
and snow and extremety of cold that ever was remembered 
by any since it was planted with English; and was attended 
with terebell coughs and colds and fever which passed many 
out of time into eternity, and also through want and scarcity 
of fother multitudes of sheep and cattle and other creatures 
died. It is a duty incumbent on all those that call themselves 
the people of God to consider his great works and the opera- 
tions of his hands. John Goodnow Clerk." 

" Feb. 7, 1763. There has been no rain this Winter nor 
sence the snow came, and the springs is low and they grind 
but two bushels in a day at this mill, the snow is on a leavil 
3 foot and 3 inches in open land." (Stearns' Collection.) 

With great snow-falls came the necessity of "breaking out 
the roads." In early times this was done with ox-teams. 
Most of the farmers had one or more " yokes of oxen " or 
"steers." Perhaps a dozen of these were attached to a stout 
ox-sled, and thus the roads were ploughed through. Often 
a plow was attached to the sled's side, the more effectually 
to widen the path. Sometimes strips of road were abandoned 
entirely for the season where the way was unusually blocked, 


and the fields used instead. A very merry morning it was 
for the men and boys when all hands were called out for this 
work. The train starts out with a single ox-team, but is 
joined by others as house after house is reached until rein- 
forcements make a long train. 


In 1649, it was ordered that certain persons " have power 
to speak with Mrs. Hunt, about her person, house [or home] 
and estate, and to take some care for her relief." The fol- 
lowing vote was recorded years afterwards : that " Mrs Hunt 
shall have fifty shillings, out of a rate to be made this present 
February 1665, this in respect of her poverty." In 1669 
[or 7] Mrs. Hunt was to have fifty shillings pension paid out 
of the town rate. In 1673, " because of the poverty of her 
famely, it was ordered that Mr. Peter Noyes do procure and 
bring sergeon Avery from Dedham to the Widow Hunt of 
this town to inspect her condition to advise, and direct, and 
administer to her relief, and cure of her distemper." Ten 
pounds were also to be put " into the hands of Peter Noyes 
with all speed to assist Mrs. Hunt with." 

About 1663, a contract was made with Thomas Rice to 
keep a person a year, " if he live as long," for which he was 
to have five pounds sterling; and if the person kept had any, 
or much sickness during the year, the town was to give Mr. 
Rice " satisfaction to content, for any physic, attendance or 
trouble." In 1663, £1 were added to the present rate, "for 
the use of Thomas Tfling's sickness, and to pay for intend- 
ance of him." In 1664, John White was " exempted from 
paying his present rate to the town, and also unto the minis- 
ter." Dr. Loring, in his diary, gives repeated instances of 
collections taken for the afflicted in the time of his ministry; 
as, for example, in 1750 : " Lord's day, had a contribution 
for Thomas Saunders, laboring under a severe and incurable 
cancer; collected £16-8-0." In 1757 or '59, " had a contri- 
bution for our brother, Tristam Cheeny. £31 was gathered." 
About 1762, October 7th, public Thanksgiving : " A contri- 
bution was made for the wife of Asahel Knight of Worcester. 
£18 was collected." 



But, while the people, as shown by such instances, were 
generous to the deserving poor, as a town they took strin- 
gent measures for the prevention of poverty. This it did, 
both by discouraging its importation, and by encouraging 
what tended to thrift. In the records we find the following: 
"In consideration of the increase of poor people among us, 
: : : as also considering how many poor persons from other 
towns come in to reside, Ordered, That not any one who 
owned houses or lands in town should either let or lease any 
of them unto any strangers that is not at present a town- 
dweller, without leave or license first had and obtained of 
the selectmen in a selectmen's meeting or by leave had and 
obtained in a general town-meeting or otherwise shall stake- 
down, depositate, and bind over a sufficient estate unto the 
selectmen of Sudbury, which said estate so bound over unto 
the said selectmen, that shall be in their the said selectmen's 
judgment sufficient to have and secure the town of Sudbury 
harmless from any charge that may so come by the said lands 
so leased, and if any person notwithstanding this order shall 
lease any houses or lands unto any stranger as above said 
without lisence and giving good security as above said, shall 
for every week's entertainment of a stranger into his houses 
or lands, forfeit the sum of 19 shillings 6 pence to the town 
of Sudbury; and any person bringing a stranger presuming 
to come as a truant contrary to order as above said, shall for 
every week's residence forfeit 19 shillings 6 pence to the 
town of Sudbury." 

In 1683, Mathew Rice was to be warned to come before 
the town clerk, for admitting to some part of his land 
Thomas Hedley, who brought his wife and child. Thomas 
Hedley was also to be warned to quit the town. Another 
person was censured for " taking in and harboring of Chris- 
topher Petingal, who is rendered to be a person of a vicious 
nature, and evil tongue and behavior, and otherwise discour- 
aging enough." In 1692-3 a law was enacted by the prov- 
ince, by which towns were allowed to warn away strangers. 
If the warning was not given within three months, then the 


parties so far became residents, that, if in need, they were to 
receive assistance from the town. If persons warned did not 
leave within fourteen days, the constable could remove them 
by law. The town repeatedly made use of this power. 


About 1663 the town voted to grant " Mr. Stearns of 
Charlestown, ironmonger and blacksmith," certain meadow 
lands, and " firewood for his family use, and wood for coals 
for to do the smithy work." He was also to take timber in 
the commons "to build his house and shop and fence." A 
little later Joseph Graves Avas allowed to take timber to 
build a house, and part of the land formerly given him to 
erect a smith shop upon. Also there was granted to Rich- 
ard Sanger " six acres of meadow, on the west side of the 
river, upon the condition he stay amongst us to do our 
smith's work for four years, the time to begin the twenty- 
fourth day of August, 1646." 


The following records afford some information concerning 
early educational advantages in Sudbury. In 1664 " the 
town promised to give answer at the next meeting whether 
or no they will accommodate Mr. Walker [with] any lands 
towards his encouragement to keep a free school in Sud- 
bury." We infer that Mr. Walker was encouraged in his 
project by the following report on educational matters ren- 
dered in 1680 : — 

"And as for schools, tho' there be no stated school in this 
town, for that the inhabitants are so scattered in their dwell- 
ings that it cannot well be, yet such is the case that, by hav- 
ing two school dames on each side of the river, that teacheth 
small children to spell and read, which is so managed by the 
parents and governors at home, and prosecuted after such 
sort as that the selectmen who distributed themselves did 
within three months last past so examine families, children, 
and youth, both as to good manners, orderly living, chate- 
chizing, and reading, as that they returned from all parts a 
comfortable good account of all these matters, and render 


them growing in several families beyond expectation, rarely 
reprovable anywhere, encouraging in most places, and in 
others very commendable, so as that the end is accomplished 
hitherto. And for teaching to write or cypher, here is Mr. 
Thomas Walker, and two or three others about this town, 
that do teach therein, and are ready to teach all others that 
need, if people will come or send them." 

From the report rendered the court for the county of Mid- 
dlesex, in reference to education in morals, we infer that 
attention was early turned to that matter. In 1655 persons 
were "appointed for to take pains for to see into the general 
families in town, to see whether children and servants are 
employed in work, and educated in the ways of God and in 
the grounds of religion, according to the order of the General 
Court." The same year John How was "appointed by the 
Pastor and Selectmen to see to the restraining from the prof- 
anation of the Lord's day in time of public exercise." 

The stocks were employed as a means of punishment. In 
1651, "John Rutter promised to mend the stocks." They 
were used as late, at least, as 1722, when it was voted 
" uv y e town to grant five shillings to bye to pad Locks 
for y e pound and stocks." This old-time appliance was for 
a period near the meeting-house, as the records state that, in 
1681, "Samuel How was to build a new pair of stocks," and 
was " to set them up before the meeting-house." In subse- 
quent years, tything-men were appointed, and duly sworn 
before the selectmen, as the law directed. All these agencies 
were made use of to maintain a wholesome morality. That 
they succeeded in accomplishing something, the following 
from the foregoing report of 1680 indicates: " And the select- 
men having also been made acquainted that the court expects 
their inspection touching persons who live from under family 
government, or after a dissolute or disorderly manner, to the 
dishonor of God, or corrupting of youth, the selectmen of 
the town as above having personally searched and enquired 
into all families and quarters, in and about this town, do 
return this answer, that they find none such amongst us." 

Not only were the youth in colonial days instructed in 
intellectual and moral things, but also in the use of arms. 


In 1645, " it was ordered that the youth from ten to sixteen 
should be instructed upon y e usual dayes in y e exercise of 
amies, as small guns, halfe pike, bows and arrows, provided 
the parent did not object." 

It was expected in early times that the children of believ- 
ing parents would be presented in baptism. These children 
were usually baptized the Sabbath following their birth, and, 
if born on Sunday, sometimes on the day of their birth. 

Besides the ordinary Sabbath exercises, religious services 
were held on some secular day of the week, which was called 
" Lecture Day." A Friday afternoon meeting was held in 
the Sudbuiy Orthodox Church until about the beginning of 
the last quarter century. In 1652, when a bargain was 
made with John Goodnow to beat the drum twice every 
Sabbath, he was also to beat it for service on " Lecture 
Day." (See Chapter VI.) " Training Days " were sup- 
posed to be opened and also closed with prayer. Fast days 
were more frequent than now. In some of the New England 
towns they were observed at the haying and planting sea- 
sons, and at the close of the harvest. Private fasts were 
sometimes observed. As late as July 4, 1749, there was a 
fast observed at the Widow Winch's, " on account of one 
of her daughters having a cancer. Mr. Mudge prayed and 
Mr. Stone preached." (Extracts from Loring's Diary.) 
Special seasons of prayer were also sometimes observed. 
"Apr. 10th, 1757, Lord's day, the church voted that they 
would spend a part of the last Thursday of every month in 
extraordinary Prayer to God, on account of the calamitous 
war with our enemies the French." 


It was ordered "that one shall take for mowing by the 
acre fourteen pence for every acre, or one and thirty pence a 
day." It was " ordered that all Carpenters, Bricklayers and 
thatchers, shall have one and twenty pence for a day's work, 
and common laborers eighteen pence a day." It was " ordered 
that a yearly covenanted servant, the best of them, shall take 
but five pounds for a year's service, and maid servants, the 
best, shall take but fifty shillings the year's service." As 


late as 1751, the town voted that " for highway work, eight 
hours be accounted for a day's work, and two shillings shall 
be the price of a day's work, one shilling for a yoke of oxen, 
three pence for a good cart." 

Commercial relations were not always carried on by pay- 
ments in money, but sometimes wholly or in part in produce. 
Edmund Rice, in 1654, "for service as deputy," was to have 
" six pounds to be paid in wheat at John Parmenters senior, 
and so much more as shall pay seven pence a bushell for the 
carraige of it, to be paid within one week after next Michel- 
mas." For work on the meeting-house, about the year 1688, 
"he was to have country pay, at country price." The country 
pay was to be " in good sound merchantable Indian corn, or 
rye, or wheat, or barley, or malt, or peas, or beef, or pork, or 
work." At a meeting of the selectmen, Oct. 25, 1678, it was 
ordered that "Mr. Peter Noyes, Peter Kinge and Thomas 
Stevens or any of them are appointed to collect of the Inhab- 
itants of this town what may be wanted of the sum granted 
by any person or persons towards the new college at Cam- 
bridge in building according to an order by the Gen C * * *." 
This being attended to, the town received its discharge, of 
which the following is a copy: — 

" Discharge. Received then of several persons of the town 
of Sudbury several parcels of corn amounting to (with the 
transportation from S. to Cam.) the full sum of what was 
there subscribed to contribute to the new building for the 

"I say received by me, William Manning." 

Sometimes payments were promised either in produce or 
money, as, in 1696, Benjamin Parmenter was to sweep the 
meeting-house, from April 1 of that year to April 1 of the 
next year, "for ten bushells of Indian corn, or twenty shil- 
lings in money." Whether Mr. Parmenter was to take which 
he chose, or the party engaging him was to give which they 
chose, is not stated. Sometimes the produce was rated, or 
paid for town rates, in accordance with what the produce 
was rated or paid for in count}' rates ; as, in 1673, it was 


ordered that "all corn or grain, paid into the towns rate for 
this year, shall be paid in at such prices as the county rate is 
paid in at for the year." We conclude that the town had 
the liberty to establish the value of produce that was to pay 
the town rates ; as, for the year 1686, wheat was rated at 
five shillings per bushel, peas at four shillings, oats at two 
shillings, Indian corn at two shillings nine pence. 


Jan, 9, 1653, " it was determined that the land' last granted 
to the town by the court shall be divided to the inhabitants, 
according to their several estates and families, counting the 
family to be husband, wife, children and servants as men 
have, that they have either bought or brought up." In Mr. 
Loring's Diary is the following, dated 1758, March 1: "Died 
Toby, negro servant of Col. Brown." 

In Vol. LXXIX., p. 247, State Archives, is a petition 
from Richard Heard, to the effect that he had a negro man 
in His Majesty's service ; that he was in Captain Nixon's 
company, and was taken sick in Deerfield on his way home, 
and remained there sick for a long time ; and that he had to 
take his two horses and go after him. He asks that the 
court will take his case into consideration ; and the commit- 
tee reported " twenty-five shillings in full to be paid to Col. 
John Noyes for the use of the Petitioner." 

It is stated (Temple's History of Framingham) that in 
1733 Thomas Frost of Framingham bought of Jonathan 
Smith of Sudbury, for sixty pounds current money, a negro 
man named Gloster, aged about thirty years. Rev. Mr. 
Swift of Framingham disposed of five slaves by his will, one 
of whom, named Nero, he gave to his son-in-law, Ebenezer 
Roby of Sudbury. In 1764, Josiah Richardson of Sudbury 
sold a negro girl named Phebe to Elizabeth Balch of Fram- 
ingham, and the following is the bill of sale : — - 

Know All Men by these Presents, that I, Josiah Richardson Jun. of 
Sudbury in the county of Middlesex, Gentleman, for and in considera- 
tion of the sum of 1 Pound 6 shillings and 8 pence, lawful money, to me 
in hand well and truly paid at the ensealing hereof by Elizabeth Balch 
of Framingham Widow, the Receipt whereof I do hereby acknowledge, 


and for the consideration thereof, Do Sell to the said Elizabeth Balch 
and to her heirs and assigns forever, A Negro female Child named 
Phebe, of about two years old, with her wearing apparel she now hath. 
And I the said Josiah covenants to and with the said Elisabeth Balch 
and her heirs and assigns that the said Negro Child is my slave For 
Life, and that I have good right to sell and convey her in manner afore- 
said for the term of her natural life ; and that by force and virtue hereof 
the said Elisabeth Balch shall hold her the said Phebe for a slave for 
the term of her natural life. In Witness whereof, I the said Josiah 
Richardson Jun., have hereunto set my hand and seal this 13th day of 
August 17G4. Josiah Richardson, Jun. [Seal.] 

In presence of Samuel Jones. 

Colored people were sometimes held in high esteem by the 
town's people, as is indicated by an entry made in the diary 
of Rev. Israel Loring, April 80, 1755, where he speaks thus 
of Simeon, a negro who was born and bred in his household, 
and a short time before had arrived at the age of freedom : 
" April 30th, 1755. This morning Simeon was taken ill of 
colic, but soon recovered. May 10th, Simeon died aged 21. 
Altho' he partly recovered he grew worse again. He was 
greatly beloved by the family and has drowned us in tears. 
In the evening we committed the remains of Simeon to the 
grave. A great number of the congregation attended the 
funeral." Mr. Loring preached a sermon on his death the 
Sabbath following, from Psa. lxxxix. 48. 

A century and a half ago but few negroes were living in 
Sudbury, as is shown by the following statement : — 

Number of white people in town, on both 

sides of the river .... 1,745 

Number of negroes, males . . 15 
Number of negroes, females . . 12 

Total number of blacks .... 27 
(Memoirs of Sudbury.) 

In early times titles were quite commonly used ; and terms 
designating military positions, such as " corporal," " cap- 
tain," "ensign," "sergeant" or " sargeant," are not infre- 
quently met with on the town records. The terms " Mr." 


and " Mrs." are seldom found, except when applied to the 
minister and his wife. The term " esquire " is almost un- 
known. The term "goodman" was in quite common use. 
It was employed to designate a person of excellent charac- 
ter, rather than one of exceptional gentility. The following 
is its use in a record of the Town Book dated 1640: "It is 
ordered by the town that Goodman Hayne shall have the 
remainder of the meadow which Mr. Brown the Pastor 
divided up, except one acre that is to be divided between 
Goodman Knight and Goodman Hayne, if it be there." 

But not alone by the application of titles was there a rec- 
ognition of merit and respect shown where it was due. In 
1666, the Town Book states, " We have chosen, constituted 
and appointed our trusty friends Mr. Joseph Noyes, Sar- 
geant John Grout and Corporal John Rutter to read, issue 
and determine all matters of difference ensuing about suffi- 
ciency of fence." It was customary to " gratulate " some- 
times for service done for the public. In a single list in the 
Town Book are the following persons, who were "gratu- 
lated " for some service done by them, and the quantity of 
land given : — 

Brian Pendleton, 

14 acres 


George Munning, 

10 " 


10 of upland. 

Walter Haynes, 

10 " 



John Parmenter, Sr., 

10 '* 


Edmund Brown, 

15 " 


20 of upland. 

Peter Noyes, 


John Bent, 

4 acres 



Edmund Goodnow, 

6 " 


William Ward, 

12 " 


Another way of showing respect was in the appointment 
of seats in the meeting-house. The following rule was 
made in 1687-8 : " The most considerable rule for seating 
of persons in the meeting-house (the new one) shall be by 
what they pay to the building thereof, excepting in respect 
to some considerable persons as to age and other considera- 
ble qualifications." 


The following records show that the town was not care- 
less in collecting its dues : " November, 1670, " Ordered that 
Jon. Stanhope do see that the minister's rate be duly paid, 
and in case any neglect or refuse to pay their proportions to 
said rates when due, he is appointed and impowered by the 
town to summons such persons before a magistrate, there to 
answer for their neglect." In 1683-4 it was voted, " That 
whereas certain proprietors and inhabitants of the town have 
neglected to pay their proportions to the minister's rate, and 
added to the evil by not paying the proportion due upon the 
two six months' rates made since, to the dishonor of God, 
contempt of his worship, unrighteousness to their neighbors, 
as if they ; ; ; slyly intended they should pay their rates 
for them again, and to the disturbance in and damage of this 
town, after so much patience used, and to the end this town 
may not longer be baffled ; ; ; In his majesties name you 
are therefore now required forthwith to [collect] by distress 
upon the monies, neat cattle sheep or other beasts, corn, 
grain, hay, goods or any other estate movable (not dis- 
allowed by law) you can find so much of each person herein 
named so greatly transgressing, the several sum or sums set 
off against each man's name." 

In the early times there were people living on the town's 
border, who were designated " farmers," and their estates 
were called "farms." It was probably with reference to 
these that the following order was passed in 1677-8 : " All 
persons bordering upon this town and who live and dwell 
near unto the precinct thereof shall pay (not only to the 
ministry but also) to all town rates, for that they belong to 
us, they shall be assessed their due proportions, as all other 
inhabitants of this town are, and in case of any of them 
refusing to pay, the same shall be levied by distress." 


An order was issued whereby every householder was to 
have a ladder sufficiently long to reach the top of the house. 
For non-compliance with this act a person was subject to a 
fine of ten shillings. 



It was, in 1648, voted by the town " that whosoever : : : 
shall take away any man's canoe without the leave of the 
owner shall forfeit for every default so made two shillings." 


On page 157 of the records it is recorded that " the sum 
of three pounds shall be added to the town rate for the pay- 
ment of our deputie's diet at Hugh Drurvs at Boston during 
his attendance at the Genral Court." Years later, in 1679, 
Peter Noyes " openly declared at that town-meeting that he 
freely gave to the town his time, charge, diet, in and about 
his service at the fore said session of the General Court 
which the town thankfully accepted." 


While the people were busy in the formation of the new 
plantation and dividing and improving their lands, they were 
careful to provide means for the pa} r ment and protection of 
them. The records state, May 26, 1648, " Walter Hayne 
and Hugh Griffin are appointed to go down to the Governor 
and Magistrate to confirm the bargain of land now bought 
of Goodman's, and to take course for the payment of Good- 
mans, and they shall be paid for their labor." 

Sept. 11, 1648: "It is agreed upon by the town that the 
five pound that is paid to Goodemans shall be raised only by 
the meadows as every .man is possessed of." 

"It is also agreed that all meadows that are given by way 
of gratulation shall have right in commonage as the meadows 
which are first, second, and third division of meadow, and 
that for the raising of the rate for the payment of the last 
purchase of Goodman's all meadows shall pay at one price." 


In 1661 the town appointed men " to agree with Robert 
Proctor of Concord, about his trespass of burning up our 
pine for making tar." They were to sue him if they could 


not agree. In 1671, James Adams was to have liberty to 
feed his cattle on Sudbury bounds, and "to take old and dry 
wood that shall be upon the ground, the said Adams to pre- 
vent any trespass by Concord herds, or cattle, also in our 
wood and timber, forth with to give notice to the town." 


Peculiar names have been attached to many places in Sud- 
bury, which have been preserved, some by record and some 
by usage. 

One of these is " Lanham." It is mentioned in connection 
with a deed as early as 1666. (See Liber III., pp. 233 and 
234, Registry of Deeds, Cambridge.) The deed mentioned a 
piece of land " lying and being on the west side of the Ham- 
lett called Lanham." (See Chapter III., sketch of Thomas 
Read ; also Chapter VI.) 

u Lo\vance" is the name of a stream which enters Mill 
Brook between South Sudbury and Lanham bridge. Proba- 
bly it was first applied to the meadows along its banks. It is 
found as early as 1666 (Liber III., p. 233, Registry of Deeds, 
Cambridge). It is doubtless a contraction of "allowance," 
which term was used to designate lands that were allowed 
the settlers in the territorial divisions. Sometimes an allow- 
ance of land was given in one place to make up for deficiency 
of quality or quantity in another. 

The term " Pantry," applied to one of the school districts, 
is found in connection with a land sale in 1657. (Liber III., 
p. 7, Middlesex Registry of Deeds.) In the document referred 
to it is used in connection with both the brook and meadow. 
This term may have been derived from the words "pine" 
and " tree ; " and this theory receives favor from the fact 
that in the Town Book, page 98, it is spelled " Pantree." 

" Piners Wash," or "Pinners Wash," was a term formerly 
applied to the brook above South Sudbury, commonly called 
" Wash Brook." It occurs repeatedly, both on the Town 
Book and the Proprietors' Book. The following record is 
taken from the former, dated 1779: "To see if the town will 
discontinue a town road laid out through the enclosures of 
Ensiffn Josiah Richardson over the ' Mill Brook ' or ' Piners 

See page 28. 


Wash ' from being an open way and leave it a bridle way as 
formerly." This motion "passed in the negative." The road 
here referred to is that over Hayden's Bridge. We have 
found nothing definite by which to determine the origin of 
this name. We conjecture that this brook passed through a 
pine district, and that by some connection of the brook with 
the trees, or with those who may have livedor worked among 
them, who were perhaps called "Piners," the name may have 
come into use. " Wash Brook " doubtless came from this 

"Indian Bridge." This is supposed to have crossed West 
Brook, as the lower part of Lanham Brook is called, between 
Sand Hill and Heard's Pond. (See Chapter VI.) The 
term is repeatedly found in the town records. On page 52 
is the statement that Mr. Herbert Pelham was to have " all 
the land lotts of meadow and upland joining to his farm 
which lies between the Indian Bridge and the utmost bound 
of the great pond joining upon a short line from the Indian 
Bridge to the extremity of the pond, also twenty acres of 
upland joining to the Indian Bridge to the land granted to 
Mr. Herbert Pelham, and going thence downward to the hill 
on the west side the great pond, and west ward joineth to 
the land of W m Pelham, and is parted from the west meadow 
by land reserved for a highway." Jan. 13, 1667, the town 
appointed a committee "to set a substantial mark where the 
old Indian Bridge was in West Meadow." 

The word "sponge" was in early use as applied to local- 
ities. In 1646, "John Rutter was to have a sponge of 
meadow;" and the following is also a record of early date in 
which the Avord is used: "To Brian Pendleton 14 acres of 
meadow lying in a sponge upon the west side of the great 
meadow over against Munning's point." This word was 
formerly used in connection with real estate in New Eng- 
land, but long since ceased to be so used. Says Dr. Green, 
"It was a local word in England, used in Suffolk, and meant 
an irregular, narrow projecting part of a field, whether planted 
or in grass." 

The term "Honey Pot Brook" is found. In 1778, Mr. 
Jonathan Puffer of Stow was released from rates on condi- 


tion "that he keep the causeway and bridge over Honey Pot 
brook from Stow line to the eastward of said causeway in 
good repair for ten years." 

The term "Cedar Croft" is spoken of in papers from 1700 
to 1725 in connection with the homestead of Thomas Bryant 
(Wayland). (State Archives, Vol. XVII., p. 520.) The 
same term is found in Liber III., p. 233, date 1666, Middle- 
sex Registry of Deeds, spelled "Cedar Crought." 

Another term long and frequently used is " Bridle Point," 
spelled " Bridell Poynt " in a deed dated 1666. (Liber III., 
pp. 232 and 272.) This is a point of land at the southwest 
end of Braman's Hill, near the wooden bridge on the new 
road from Wayland to Sudbury. 

The term " Gulf* is used as early as 1647. " Granted to 
the Pastor to lay down his third division in the Gulf." This 
term is applied to the meadows that lie along the banks of 
the easterly part of Pantry Brook. 

" Doeseine Hill" is mentioned in 1661. It probably means 
Doeskin Hill. Thomas Noyes had one hundred and thirty 
acres of land, the second lot in the new grant near this hill. 

The term "Goodman's Wigwam Hill" is found in Book II., 
Town Records ; also the term " Wigwam Hill " is found in 
the first part of Book I. 

Other terms are "Rocky Plain" (Sudbury Centre) ; " Pine 
Plain" (in the Draper neighborhood, east part of Wayland); 
" World's End " (in the Gulf neighborhood, northeast part 
of Sudbury); " Haynes' Island" (northeast side of Gulf 
Brook) ; " Castle Hills " (north part of Wayland); " Spruce 
Swamp" or "Cranberry Swamp" (north of the highway, by 
Whale's Bridge, Wayland). 

The following names are on the Proprietors' Book, and the 
places they designate are on the west side : " Lake's End 
Hill," "Log Slough," "Lake's End Bridge," "Pine Island," 
"Long Meadow," "Strawberry Meadow," "Mine Way," 
"Mill Field," "Hop Meadow," "Cedar Swamp Plane," 
" Ridge Meadow Brook," " Dunsdale," " Haynes' Slough," 
"Log Hole." 

The following are also on the Proprietors' Book: "Hog 
House Hill," " Windmill Hill," " Bow Leg Meadow," " Penny 


Meadow Brook,'* " Swath Meadow," "Porringer Hill," "Com- 
mon Swamp Bridge," "Prospect Hill," "Long Meadow," 
" Highway from Lake's End to Log Slough," " Path from 
Log Slew to Pine Island," " Common Meadow Bridge," 
"Ashen Swamp," "Widow Rice's Plain, "Lake End" or 
"Lake's End," "Gulf Neck," "Iron Works Meadow," 
"\Valnut Tree Hill," " Bare Hill." 


Sudbury in the Colonization of Other Towns : Framingham, Marlboro, 
Worcester, Grafton, Rutland. 

His echoing axe the settler swung 

Amid the sea-like solitude, 
And, rushing, thundering, down were flung 

The Titans of the wood ; 
Loud shrieked the eagle, as he dashed 
From out his mossy nest, which crashed 

With its supporting bough, 
And the first sunlight, leaping, flashed 

On the wolf's haunt below. 

Alfred B. Street. 

The settlement of Sudbury in its earlist stages having 
now been noticed, let us, before considering farther what 
occurred within the town limits, give our attention to the 
work of its people in the settlement of other towns. The 
sons of Sudbury wrought nobly, not only within but with- 
out their own borders. A pioneer spirit very early pre- 
vailed, and as the town's citizens reached out for new acqui- 
sitions of land, the}' helped establish some of the best towns 
in the State. In this work of colonization were both hard- 


ship and hazard. Few but such as were of an adventurous 
nature would so speedily have removed from newly con- 
structed homesteads to erect other abodes in the farther 
forest. But a brave band of frontiersmen pushed boldly for- 
ward and out into the dark outstretching wood ; and, amid 
perils of climate, wild beasts, and uncivilized men, they 
opened new paths and prepared the way for new settle- 
ments. In narrating the work thus performed, we will to 
an extent present an outline of facts as they are afforded by 
the histories of the towns in which the work here mentioned 
was done. On the south and west of Sudbury, at the time 
of its settlement, was a wilderness. On the west was what 
is now Marlboro, on the south what is Framingham and. 
Natick, and beyond this border territory was a far out- 
stretching forest awaiting the approach of the English to 
give it the light of civilized life. 


First there was an occupation of the lands on the south. 
This territory — so much of it as is now Framingham, and 
which was called a plantation by 1675, and was incorporated 
as a town in 1700 — was, at the earliest occupation by the 
English, unclaimed land of the colony. It never was granted 
to a company of petitioners, as was the case with Sudbury, 
but was allowed to individuals at different dates, whose 
names became associated with the lands granted. The fol- 
lowing is a list of the prominent grants, and the quantity 
of land comprised in some of them : The Stone Grants ; the 
Glover Farm, 600 acres ; the Rice Grants; the Eames Grant, 
200 acres ; the Corlett Grant, 200 acres ; the Gookin and 
How Purchase ; the Mayhew Farm, 300 acres ; the Danforth 
Farms ; Crowne's Grant, 500 acres ; Russell's Grant, 500 
acres ; Wayte's Grant, 300 acres ; the Natick Plantation 
Grants. Several of these tracts were either granted, as- 
signed or conveyed to, or in part settled by people from Sud- 

The Stone Grants. — Mr. Temple, in his " History of 
Framingham," says : " The first man to build upon our soil 
was John Stone, who removed from Sudbury (now Way- 


land), and put up a house at Otter Neck, on the west side of 
Sudbury River, in 1646 or 1647." The lands owned by Mr. 
Stone were in several parcels, and granted at different times. 
In 1643 he had a grant of six acres in " Natick bounds;" 
and in 1656 he purchased lands of the Indians at the Falls 
of Sudbury River (Saxonville). This land was situated 
northwesterly of the falls, and on the southeasterly and east- 
erly slope of the hill. It was confirmed to Mr. Stone by the 
Court, May, 1656, with fifty acres in addition. The land 
last granted was laid out May 26, 1658, by Edmund Rice 
and Thomas Noyes, and is described as "joining to Sudbury 
river at the falls of the said river, twenty acres of the said 
fifty being southward joining to the lands of John Stone, 
which said lands were purchased of the Indians, and after 
confirmed by the honoured Court; also the other thirty acres 
of the said fifty lying northward of the aforesaid purchased 
land and joining to it." Other land tracts were obtained by 
Mr. Stone in the territory of Framingham, till he possessed 
several hundred acres. Two of his sons, Daniel and David, 
settled near their father in 1667. 

The Glover Farm. — This was the next grant to be 
occupied by a Sudbury citizen. (For description, see Chap- 
ter IV.) This farm was leased Sept. 29, 1647, by President 
Dunster, guardian for the Glover heirs, to Edmund Rice for 
the term of ten years. By agreement in the lease, he was to 
erect a house on the place. (For dimensions of this house, 
see Chapter V.) He was also to build a barn, with dimen- 
sions as follows : " Fifty long, eleven foote high in the stud, 
one foote above ground, the sell twenty foote if no leantes 
or eighteen foote wide with leantes on the one side, and a 
convenient threshing-floare between the doares." (Barry.) 
These buildings, it is supposed, were located near Dudley 
Pond, and on that part of the Glover Farm which, by an 
adjustment of the town bounds in 1700, came into the town 
of Wayland. When the Glover estate was settled, the farm 
became the property of John Glover and Priscilla Appleton, 
his sister. Subsequently John transferred his part to his 
sister, and the place became known as the Appleton Farm. 
In 1697, John Appleton and wife sold the estate, then esti- 


mated at about nine hundred and sixty acres, to three Sud- 
bury parties, — namely, Thomas Brown, Thomas Drury, and 
Caleb Johnson, — for four hundred and forty pounds. The 
land was divided among these purchasers, and with the result 
that, after some exchange of the property among themselves, 
Mr. Brown had as his part of the upland two .hundred acres 
on the northerly side, and situated westerly in Fraraingham 
territory ; Mr. Drury, two hundred acres on the southerly 
side, also in Fraraingham, and one hundred acres in the 
northeasterly part in Wayland ; and the land possessed by 
Mr. Johnson was the middle portion, and consisted of two 
hundred acres of upland, upon which he erected a dwelling, 
where the Mars house now stands. Thus, not only was the 
Glover Farm first occupied by a Sudbury citizen, but in its 
subsequent divisions it became the property of three others. 

The Rice Grants. — Not only did Edmund Rice lease 
the large land tract just mentioned, but, by petitioning the 
General Court, he became owner of the several pieces of land 
that are called the " Rice Grants."" In 1652 he was allowed 
three pieces of meadow, comprising about twenty acres, and 
thirty acres of upland, which was situated about a mile from 
Cochituate Brook, and in a part of Fraraingham called Rice's 
End. In 1665 he again petitioned the Court, and received 
about eighty acres more, which was also in the southeast 
part of the town. In 1659, Mr. Rice gave a deed of the 
land at Rice's End to his son Henry, who built upon it, and 
who, it is supposed, was the second person to build on Frara- 
ingham soil. 

The Eames Grants. — These grants were of lands ob- 
tained from the General Court and the Indian owners by 
Thomas Eames, who was a former inhabitant of Sudbury. 
In 1669, Mr. Eames built a house and barn on the southerly 
slope of Mt. Wayte, South Framingliara. The land was of 
the Wayte grant, and Avas owned by Thomas Danforth, who 
purchased it of Mr. Richard Wayte. On Feb. 1, 1676, the 
Indians burned the buildings of Mr. Eames, and killed or 
took captive his family. (See Chapter II. and period 1675- 
1700.) As a return for the loss of property then incurred, 
which amounted to about three hundred and thirty pounds, 


the General Court, in 1677, granted him two hundred acres 
of land; and by consent of the Court he obtained, in 1676-7, 
a tract of two hundred acres of the Indians, which was situ- 
ated near where his former dwelling stood. " The Eames 
Farm " was situated in the southerly part of Frainingham, 
south of Sudbury River, and ran westerly as far as Farm 
Pond. The grant of two hundred acres allowed by the 
Court in 1677 was laid out by John Brigham of Sudbury, in 
1686, and is said to have been "land in the wilderness adjoin- 
ing to Lancaster line." 

The Corlett Grant. — This land tract was laid out 
May 28, 1661, to Mr. Elijah Corlett, a schoolmaster of Cam- 
bridge. It was situated " about a mile distant from the 
southwest angle of the lands formerly granted to Sudbury ; 
also having a parcel of meadow granted to Mr. Edmond 
Browne, teacher to the church in Sudbury, on the south, 
also being about half a mile distant northerly from the river 
which runneth to Sudbury, also being about a mile and a 
quarter distant west northwesterly of the now dwelling- 
house of John Stone." In 1661, Mr. Thomas Dan forth 
purchased the land of Mr. Corlett, and the same year trans- 
ferred it to Mr. John Stone. 

The Gookin and How Purchase. — This was a land 
tract that came into possession of Samuel Gookin of Cam- 
bridge, a son of Maj.-Gen. Daniel Gookin, who was colonial 
commissioner to the Indians, and a co-worker with Rev. 
John Elliot and Samuel How of Sudbury. The tract was 
obtained of the Indians, who gave a deed of it dated May 
19, 1682. A specification in the deed was that it contain, 
"by estimate, two hundred acres more or less." 

The Mayhew Farm. — This was a land tract of three 
hundred acres granted to Thomas Mayhew, Oct. 17, 1643. 
It is described as " lying between Marlboro, Magunkook and 
Frainingham," and was assigned by will of Thomas Mayhew, 
bearing date Sept. 15, 1666, to John Stone and Nathaniel 
Treadaway, both grantees of Sudbury. In 1708 it was laid 
out to their heirs. 

The Danforth Farm. — These lands consisted of several 
parcels that came to Thomas Danforth by grant or purchase. 


One of these was granted in 1G60, and contained two hun- 
dred and fifty acres, which were laid out adjacent to the 
south boundary of Sudbury, west of the river, and joining 
the land occupied by John Stone. Another tract was granted 
in 1662, and consisted of two hundred acres adjoining the 
" same land he hath between Conecticot path and Marl- 
borough." The Court appointed to lay out this land " Ensign 
Noyes of Sudbury with old Goodman Rice and John How," 
and "the act of any two of these was to be valid both for 
quantity and qualit}-." This tract was adjacent to and 
west of the two hundred and fifty acres just mentioned, 
and extended along the south line of the Lanham District. 
Other lands were allowed to Mr. Danforth until, by grant or 
purchase, he owned about two-thirds of the Framingham 
Plantation. These Danforth lands were from time to time, 
more or less of them, leased to individuals, and among those 
leasing them were Samuel Winch and Thomas Frost, who 
were formerly inhabitants of Sudbury, and both of whom 
lived at Lanham, — the former as early as 1670, when he 
purchased land there of Samuel How, and the latter about 
1685. The lease to Messrs. Winch and Frost is dated March 
25, 1693, and was of land that had been occupied by Mr. 
Winch on parole lease for several years. The time of the 
lease was nine hundred and ninety-nine years, and a payment 
was to be made of four pounds ten shillings per annum. 
The farm was bounded northerly by "Sudbury line," easterly 
by the river and Dea. John Stones' land, and southeasterly 
by "Mr. Danforth's own land," southerly by the " Lynde 
Farm," westerly by the six hundred acres of reserved land 
(at Nobscot). The tract comprised three hundred acres, 
more or less, and contained "all those mesuages and tene- 
ments wherein they, the said Samuel Winch and Thomas 
Frost, do now dwell, containing two dwelling-houses, out- 
houses, and lands adjoining." This estate was situated in 
the northerly part of Framingham, and with the Stone Farm 
probably comprised largely the midway border territory in 
the northerly part of that town. 

Another Sudbury settler who was one of the early occu- 
pants of Framingham territory was John Bent, son of Peter 


Bent. In 1662 he purchased of Henry Rice a piece of land 
westerly of Cochituate Brook, and built a house there " near 
the fordway over that brook on the west side of the ' Old 
Connecticut Path.' " (Temple.) 

Other parties from Sudbury connected with the coloniza- 
tion of Framingham were Josiah B radish, who it is supposed 
settled northerly of Nobscot Hill ; John Adams, who bought 
two hundred acres of Gookin and How at Saxonville, and 
erected a dwelling not far from the location of the present 
railroad station ; Thomas Walker, who bought eighty acres 
of Gookin and How, and built a house at Rice's End ; Sam- 
uel King, John Loker, Mathew, David and Benjamin Rice. 

Such are some of the facts which set forth the service of 
Sudbury in the settlement of Framingham. From Nobscot 
to Cochituate, and from there scattered along southerly into 
" Natick bounds," the frontier was pioneered by them as 
they marked out new trails or opened rude forest paths. It 
is supposed that at the time of Philip's war, the Stones, 
Rices, Bents, Eameses, and Bradishes were the only English 
occupants on the Framingham Plantation. John Stone, at 
the falls of Sudbury River, was one of the nearest neighbors 
of Thomas Eames at Mt. Wayte ; and at his home in the 
hollow, near the locality of the present railroad station, was 
the only English hearthstone from which a light gleamed at 
night, while about Dudley Pond and Cochituate the Rices 
had their share of solitude in their lone woodland home. 
Thus the loneliness of the settlers' life was a notable circum- 
stance in the colonization experience of these bold Sudbury 
frontiersmen. The wild rushing of the water in the circui- 
tous stream at the "falls," the sounds heard in the forest as 
the tall tree-tops were tossed by the wintry storms, and the 
wind swept through the dark woody dells, were in strange 
contrast with the noise of business that now proceeds from 
that active place. 

The settlers who went from Sudbury to the present terri- 
tory of Framingham were called " Sudbury Out-dwellers," 
or " Sudbury Farmers." Their ecclesiastical and social rela- 
tions were for a time with the town of Sudbury, — that is, 
they were expected to pay rates levied for certain objects 


the benefit of which they shared. To such an extent were 
they identified with Sudbury, that it has been supposed b} T 
some they were a part of the town. This claim, it is said, 
was made, among others, by Dr. Stearns. Some tilings indi- 
cate that they were of the town, others that they were not. 
That they were not of the town is indicated by the following 
statement made about 1694—5, in a petition to the General 
Court, " Whereas ourselves and sundry more families, to the 
number of fifty or upwards, are settled upon the waste lands 
lying between Sudbury, Natic, Marlbury, and Sherborn, and 
as yet have not been orderly settled, with a township, but 
are forced to travell to the nearest of the meeting-houses, 
some to one and some to another." It is also indicated in 
a petition to the General Court in 1698 for the appointment 
of a committee to view lands of which it was desired to 
make the town of Frainingham. The petition was sent in 
by John Bent and Nathaniel Stone, and the farmers about 
Cochituate, who set forth that they "had been for a long 
time united to Sudbury in civil and social rights and privi- 
leges." A further indication of no territorial relationship to 
Sudbury is the following from the Sudbury Records : " Oct. 
26, 1686. Agreement between the town of Sudbury and 
certain out -dwellers, viz., Corp. Henry Rice, Corp. John 
Bent, Mathew Rice, Benjamin Rice, William Brown, Daniel 
Stone, John Loker, John Adams, Samuel King, and David 
Rice, who are inhabitants bordering upon, but dwelling 
without the line or bounds of this town — have engaged to 
pay all rates for building the meeting-house, and lor the 
maintenance of the ministry of the town, and for defraying 
town debts and the support of the poor — provided the town 
do relieve the poor amongst them and free them from repair- 
ing the highways within the town's bounds." 

Still another thing that may indicate that there was no 
territorial relation is a report made at a selectmen's meet- 
ing in Sudbury, in 1682. They represent in this report the 
acres of land given to those dwelling in the town, a list of 
lands of persons dwelling up and down the country, and a 
list of men's lands bordering about or near the town. The 
amount in the latter list is spoken of as amounting to five 


thousand one hundred and three acres, in which Mr. Dan- 
forth's lands (which were in the region now Framingham) 
and Mr. Gookin's lands are not cast, because the contents 
were not certain. (See period 1675-1700.) The inference 
is that considerable land tracts were about Sudbury, largely 
on the southerly side, on which the town claimed some finan- 
cial rights, but which were not claimed as territory of the 

A reason why some may have supposed that these farmers 
were a part of the town of Sudbury is found in the following 
answer to a petition sent to the General Court, Mar. 8, 1691-2: 
kt In answer to the petition of the Selectmen of Sudbury, or- 
dered ; That the out-dwellers adjoining unto the said Town, 
comprehended within the line beginning at Matth. Rice's, 
from thence to Cornet W m Brown's Corp. Henry Rice's, 
Thomas Drury's, Tho. Walker, Jr., John How, and Samuel 
Winch's (not belonging to "any other towne), be annexed 
unto the Town of Sudbury, and continue to bear their part 
of all duties and partake of all privileges then as formerly 
until further order." As to how the order was interpreted 
by those who had petitioned, may be indicated by a petition 
sent to the Court July 4, 1700, to which these same farmers 
attach their signatures: "■The said town of Sudbury have for 
above a year denied your Petitioners the liberty of voting 
and other town privileges, utterly disclaiming them as not 
belonging to the said town, though your Petitioners have 
contributed to the building the meeting-house and mainte- 
nance of the minister, and have paid several town rates and 
done many town duties ; wherefore they pray to be annexed 
to the town of Framingham." 

Another statement bearing upon the question is the fol- 
lowing from a petition sent to the Court, in 1730, by the 
inhabitants of Framingham living on the east and south of 
the river. They state " that they are principally consisting 
of those Farmers taken from Sudbury and Sherborn and 
those of Sudbury Farmers with others remote from meeting 
before the Court had taken emm off from Sudbury and 
annexed them to Framingham were designing to address the 
General Court to have been made a separate town :::::: 


And your petitioners would intimate, that we of Sudbury 
farmers and Sherborn farmers should never have yielded to 
be annexed to Framingham had we not expected the meet- 
ing house had been fixed in the place where it now is." 


About the time that the Sudbury settlers were pioneer- 
ing on the south of their plantation, their attention was 
turned in a westerl} 7 course also. Marlboro, which formerly 
included Northboro, Southboro, Westboro, and Hudson, 
was a wilderness country bordering in that direction. Very 
naturally, as the people began to feel the need of more ter- 
ritory, they sought it thitherward as well as towards the 

The result was, that, in 1656, the following petition was 
presented to the General Court: — 

_"To the Hon. Governor &c assembled in Boston. The 
humble petition of several of the inhabitants of Sudbury 
whose names are here underwritten showeth, that whereas 
your petitioners have lived divers years in Sudbury and God 
hath been pleased to increase our children which are now 
divers of them grown to man's estate and we many of us 
grown into years so that we should be glad to see them set- 
tled before the Lord take us away from hence and also God 
having o-iven us some considerable cattle so that we are so 
straightened that we cannot so comfortably subsist as could 
be desired and some of us having taken some pains to view 
the country we have found a place which lyeth westward 
about eight miles from Sudbury which we conceive might be 
comfortable for our subsistence, It is therefore the humble 
request of your Petitioners to this Hon'd Court that you 
would bee pleased to grant unto us eight miles square or so 
much land as may containe to eight miles square for to make 
a Plantation."^] 

This petition was signed by the following parties: "Ed- 
mund Rice, W m Ward, Thomas King, John Wood, Thomas 
Goodnow, John Ruddock, Henry Rice, John How, John 
Bent Sen r , John Maynard, Richard Newton, Peter Bent, 
Edward Rice." 


Answer was given to this petition at a General Court ses- 
sion held in Boston, May 14, 1656, to the effect that a tract 
of land six miles square be granted, provided it hinder no 
prior grant, and that a town be settled thereon with twenty 
or more families within three years time, so that an able min- 
istry might there be sustained. A committee was appointed 
to lay out the bounds, and make report to the " Court of 
Election." Unless they did this, the grant would be void. 
A portion of the territory desired had previously been 
granted to the Indians, on petition of Rev. John Elliot, but 
a committee was appointed who amicably adjusted the mat- 
ter, so that each party had their lands laid out and duly 
confirmed. The plantation of the Indians was known as 
Ockoocangansett, and was partly surrounded by the plan- 
tation of the English, which for a brief period was called 
Whipsuppenicke. A plan of the latter was made in 1667, 
and approved by the authorities the same year. It contained 
29,419 acres, which, with the 6,000 acres which had been 
reserved for the Indians, made 35,419 acres. 

The first proprietors' meeting was held Sept. 25, 1656, and 
the same year William Ward, Thomas King, John Ruddock, 
and John How were " chosen to put the Affairs of the said 
new Plantation in an orderly way." A petition for incor- 
poration was soon sent to the General Court, and, being 
favorably received, in 1660 the place ceased to be merely a 
plantation legally connected with Sudbury, but became a 
town of itself, and was called " Marlborrow." 

The places where some of the Sudbury settlers early had 
their abodes in Marlboro are still known, and some of them 
have been designated in the history of the town. Such 
places furnish food for reflection to the thoughtful mind, and 
not the least so, perhaps, to the people of the town from 
whence the early occupants of those dwellings went forth. 
May the sites of those primitive dwelling-places, on which 
the roof-tree long since decayed, continue to be pointed out, 
and suggest the spirit of enterprise that inspired that little 
company who went forth from Sudbury in search of new 
lands ! 



But Sudbury helped settle towns still farther westward. 
Beyond Marlboro were the lands of what is now the city of 
Worcester, then a wilderness across the frontier. To this 
spot repaired some of the people of Sudbury. Among these 
was Lieutenant Curtis, the sturdy backwoodsman of whose 
service in the war with King Philip we are yet to speak. (See 
period 1675-1700.) Ephraim Curtis was a son of Henry Cur- 
tis, an original grantee of Sudbury. He was of a sturdy, ad- 
venturesome nature, a frontiersman, soldier and scout. The 
customs of the red men, the resort of wild game, the camp-fire 
and the night ambuscade, were all familiar to him. A short 
time before the outbreak of King Philip's war Lieut. Ephraim 
Curtis turned his face towards the west, and made his camp 
at what is now Worcester. We quote the following con- 
concerning his subsequent experience in that locality : " It 
was in the fall of 1673, as near as can now be ascertained by 
tradition and otherwise, that Ephraim Curtis, the first actual 
white settler, left Sudbury, with a pack on his back, a long, 
light Spanish gun on his shoulder, and an axe in in his hand, 
and set his face towards Worcester ; arriving, after two 
days' travel, on the very spot still owned and occupied by 
his descendants, on Lincoln Street, to the sixth generation. 
The principal reason for his selecting this locality to settle 
upon was the supposition of mineral wealth in the soil, from 
the report of a valuable lead mine having been discovered in 
the vicinity by the Indians, who had a sort of rendezvous on 
Wigwam Hill while on their fishing and hunting excursions. 
Here Ephraim Curtis was all alone in the wilderness for a 
year or more, and in subsequent times used to tell how, after 
working all day, he would sit down and look towards Sud- 
bury, and shed tears in spite of himself. But he had a will 
that bore him through. For a time he claimed the whole 
town of Worcester, but had to be content with two hundred 
acres near the upper part of Plantation Street, and another 
plantation near Grafton Gore, granted by the Great and 
General Court as his share of the territory of Worcester. 
Curtis and others (who had followed him) stayed in Worces- 


ter until driven from there by the Indians in 1675. He left 
the spot which he attempted to settle to his descendants, 
with no other personal memorials, it is said, than his gun 
and silver-headed cane marked ' E. C In his later life he 
returned to Sudbury, where he died at the age of ninety- 
two. He left Worcester plantation to the care of his son 
John, and in 1734 lie conveyed two hundred and fifty acres, 
on the border of Worcester, Auburn, and Millbury, to his son 
Ephraitn Curtis, Jr." (Fall's "Reminiscences of Worces- 

The violet sprung at Spring's first tinge, 

The rose of Summer spread its glow, 
The maize hung out its autumn fringe, 

Rude Winter brought his snow ; 
And still the lone one labored there, 
His shout and whistle broke the air, 

As cheerily he plied 
His garden spade, or drove his share 

Along the hillock's side. 

Alfred B. Street. 

But the pioneer work done by Sudbury in the settle- 
ment of Worcester was by no means confined to one 
man. In 1657 thirty-two hundred acres were granted to 
Increase Nowell of Charlestown. His right was purchased 
by Josiah and John Haynes, Thomas Noyes, and Nathaniel 
Treadaway ; and in 1664 the} r became proprietors of a large 
tract east of Qninsigamond Pond. Haynes, Treadaway, and 
Noyes petitioned the General Court for a committee "to 
view the country." The death of Mr. Noyes, and the dis- 
turbed condition of things, prevented the commissioners 
whom the Court appointed from carrying out the order. 
But, in 1667, the Court again took measures towards a set- 
tlement of the country, and appointed a committee, who 
state in their report that " about five thousand acres is laid 
out to particular persons, and confirmed by this Court, as 
we are informed, which falls within this tract of land, viz., 
to Ensign Noyes, deceased, his brother three thousand two 
hundred acres, unto the church at Maiden one thousand 
acres, and others five hundred acres bought of Ensign 


Noyes ; but all this notwithstanding, we conceive there may 
be enough meadow for a small plantation or town of about 
thirty families, and if these farms be annexed to it, it may 
supply about sixty families." The committee recommended 
to the Court that it " reserve it for a town ; " and, for the 
settling of it, it advised " that there be a meet proportion of 
land granted and laid out for a town, in the best form the 
place will bear, about the contents of eight miles square." 
(Colonial Records, Vol. IV., p. 587.) 

Another Sudbury citizen who assisted in the settlement of 
Worcester was Digory Sargent. So much of interest clusters 
about the character and experience of this adventurous man, 
that we will quote entire the account of him as given in Lin- 
coln's " History of Worcester:" "Among those who attempted 
the settlement of Worcester, after the first unsuccesful enter- 
prise, was Digory Sargent, who had built his home on Saga- 
tabscot Hill, southeastward of the present town. He was a 
native of Sudbury, and had been a carpenter by occupation 
before his removal. A will made by him in 1679 is preserved 
on the Middlesex records. As the list of goods and effects, 
strangely mingled together, presents an example of the hum- 
ble personal possessions of pioneer times, and the style affords 
specimen of quaint peculiarity, it will not be uninteresting. 

" ' digory sargent's will. 

" ' March the 17th day 1696. The last Will and Testa- 
ment of Digory Sargent. I, Digory Sargent, being in my 
health and strength and in my perfect memory, blessed be 
the Lord for it ; these few lines may satisfy whom it may 
concern, that I, Digory Sargent, do freely give unto my 
daughter, Martha Sargent, my house and land with all its 
rights and privileges there unto belonging: this house and 
four score acre lot of land lieth within the township of 
Worcester ; I likewise do give unto her all my goods ; one 
flock bed and boulster, with one rugg, and two blankets and 
two coverlets ; six froes ; one broad ax and one pujling ax 
and one hand saw; one frying pan ; one shave ; one drawing 
knife ; one trunk and a sermon book that is at Mrs. Mary 
Mason's Widow, at Boston ; with one pewter pint pot ; one 


washing tub; one cow and calf; one [ — ] ; three iron wedges; 
two butte rings ; and if in case the Lord should see good to 
take away the said Digory Serjent by death, then I, the said 
Digory Serjent, do leave these things above written unto 
George Parmenter of Sudbury to be disposed of as - he shall 
see good to bring up the said Digory Serjent's child ; and if 
in case that this child should die likewise, then I do freely 
give my house and land with all the goods above mentioned 
unto George Parmenter forever, and to his heirs, to look 
after these things and to dispose of them as he shall see 
cause. In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand and 
seal the day and year above named. There is one gun too. 

" ' Digory Serjent. 
" ' Witnessed by John Keyes, John Wetherby.' 

" Having afterwards been married to the sister of Parmen- 
ter, his family became more numerous, and afforded more 
victims to be involved in the miseries of death and captivity. 
Long after the other planters had fled from the perils of the 
conflict that raged around them, Sargent remained with his 
children, the solitary occupants of the town, resisting all 
importunity to seek safety by desertion, and resolving with 
fearless intrepidity to defend from the savage the fields his 
industry had redeemed from the waste. During the summer 
of 1702 his residence was unmolested. As winter approached 
the committee, alarmed by his situation on the frontier of 
danger, sent messengers to advise his removal to a place of 
security. As their admonitions were disregarded, they at 
length despatched an armed force of twelve men, under Cap- 
tain Howe, to compel compliance with the order. At the 
close of day the party arrived at a garrison near the mills. 
Here they halted for the night, which grew dark with storm 
and snow, and, kindling their fires, laid down to rest, while 
one of the band watched the slumbers of his comrades. In 
the morning they went onwards, and reached the house of 
Sargent, on Sagatabscot, at the distance of nearly two miles 
from the post where they had halted. They found the door 
broken down, the owner stretched in blood on the floor, and 
the dwelling desolate. The prints of many moccasins lead- 


ing westward, still visible through the snow, indicated that 
they had been anticipated by a short time only in the object 
of their mission. It was soon found that the children of 
Sargent Avere living in Canada. On the release of the eldest 
she related the particulars of the fearful catastrophe they had 
witnessed. When the Indians, headed by Sagamon John, 
as it is said, surrounded the house, Sargent seized his gun to 
defend his life, and was fired on. As he retreated to the 
stairway, a ball took effect and he fell. The savages rushed 
in, with their tomahawks completed the work of death, and 
tore off his scalp from his head as a token of victory. They 
seized the mother and her children, John, Daniel, Thomas, 
Martha, and Mary, and, having discovered the neighborhood 
of the white men, commenced a rapid retreat westward. 
The wife of Sargent, fainting with grief and fear, and in 
feeble circumstances, faltered, and impeded their progress. 
The apprehension of pursuit induced the Indian to forego 

[ ] torturing his victim. As they ascended the 

hills of Tataesset, a chief stepped out from the file, and, 
looking around among the leafless forests as if for game, 
excited no alarm in the exhausted and sinking captive, and 
awoke no cry of horror to betray their course. When she 
had passed by, one merciful blow from the strong arm of the 
sachem removed the obstruction of their flight. The chil- 
dren they carried away reached the northern frontier in 
safety, and were a long time in Canada. Daniel and Mary, 
preferring the wild freedom of their captors to the restraints 
of civilized life, adopted the habits and manners of the Indi- 
ans. They never again resided with their relatives, although 
they once made them a visit when Miss Williams, taken at 
Deerfield, was restored. In 1715, Thomas was in Boston. 
John had been liberated in 1721. Martha was probably 
redeemed earlier than her brothers, married Daniel Shattuck, 
and returned to dwell on the spot so fatal to her family. " 
(Lincoln's " History of Worcester.") 

Another inhabitant of Sudbury who went to Worcester, in 
the third attempt to settle that town, was Nathaniel Moore. 
He was one of the most prominent citizens of that place dur- 
ing the first half century, and was for twelve } r ears one of its 


selectmen. Mr. Moore was one of the first two deacons of the 
Old South Church, an ancestor of Dr. Moore, and formerly 
president of Williams and the first president of Amherst 
College. Still another who went from the town was Capt. 
Moses Rice. He went to Worcester about 1719, and built a 
tavern there. Captain Rice was commander of a cavalry 
company, and fought in several engagements with the Indi- 
ans. He went to Rutland about 1742, where he was killed 
by the Indians in 1755, aged sixty. Others who went there 
were Thomas Brown, Benjamin Crane, John Curtis, Simon 
Meyling, Jonathan Grout, — all of whom received lands in 
that vicinity. 


Another place in whose settlement Sudbury citizens had 
some share was Grafton, a town in Worcester County. Its 
Indian name was Hassanamesit, which means a place of 
small stones. The land, which contained seven thousand 
five hundred acres, was purchased of the native proprietors, 
upon leases obtained of the General Court, May, 1724. 
The petition, asking the privilege of making the purchase, 
was presented by a number of persons, principally from 
Marlboro, Sudbury, Concord, and Stow; and the petitioners 
sought leave " to purchase of the Hassanamisco Indians land 
at that place." In the Indian deed concerning' the territory, 
among other specific declarations is the following : " To 
Jonathan Rice and Richard Taylor both of Sudbury in the 
County of Middlesex aforesaid husbandmen each one fortieth 
part thereof ... to them and their respective heirs and 
assigns forever." After the purchase of the territory, and 
the establishment of the plantation, those who composed the 
company laying claim to the territory held proprietors' meet- 
ings, more or less of which were at the house of Jonathan 
Rice in Sudbury. Their records and proceedings show the 
prominent part taken by Sudbury citizens in the formation 
of the township. A few specimens of these records are as 
follows: "At a meeting of the Proprietors of the common 
and undivided lands in Hassanamisco holden at the house of 


Jonathan How in Marlboro, April, 1728, Mr. Jonathan Rice 
was chosen clerk for the Proprietors to enter and record all 
votes and orders from time to time as shall be made and 
passed in said Proprietors meetings." "July 9, 1728. The 
Proprietors held a meeting at Sudbury, at the house of Jona- 
than Rice, and chose a committee to take charge of building 
a meeting house." "Jan. 6, 1730. At the house of Jona- 
than Rice, voted to lay out 3 acres to each Proprietor 30 
acres of land for the third division ; voted to raise seven 
pounds of money on each Proprietor for the finishing of the 
meeting house and school house." 

In the appointment of committees for important business 
Sudbury was creditably represented. The committee chosen 
"to take a survey of the plantation of Hassanamisco, and 
find out and stake the centre plot of the plantation," were 
Captain Brigham of Marlboro, John Hunt of Concord, and 
Richard Taylor of Sudbury. Jan. 1(3, 1734, it was voted 
that Col. John Chandler of Concord and Jonathan Rice of 
Sudbury should be " a committee to make Hassanamisco a 
town." Thus, at Sudbury and by her citizens, were more or 
less of the plans laid and business transacted at the begin- 
ning of this thriving town. 


Another town, in the settlement of which Sudbury was 
early and creditably represented, is Rutland, Mass. This 
town was incorporated by the General Court at a session of 
1722. The territory, however, which included the portion 
incorporated at this time, and which was six miles square, 
was some years before this explored by daring pioneers, and 
embraced, in its full extent, a tract twelve miles square, 
and took in a part or the whole of the territory of what is 
now Hubbardston, Princeton, Holden, Oakham, Paxton, ftnd 
Barre. The original territory in these latter-named limits 
was purchased, for twenty-three pounds, of Puagastion of 
Pennicook, Pompamamay of Natick, Wananapan of Wamas- 
sick, Sassawannow of Natick, and other natives, on Dec. 22, 
1686. The name of the whole place was Naquag, and the 


deed of it, signed and acknowledged by the above-named 
Indians, was received April 14, 1714, and is on record at the 
Middlesex Registry of Deeds, page 511 of Book XVI. 

The ownership of this twelve-mile land tract was confirmed 
by the General Court in 1713, on petition of the heirs of 
Maj. Simon Willard, of Indian war fame, and others whose 
names were in the associate deed. One condition imposed 
by the Court in the confirmation of ownership was, that, 
within seven years, there be sixty families settled there, and 
a reservation of land for church and school purposes. On 
Dec. 14, 1715, the proprietors, at a meeting in Boston, 
decided that a tract of six miles square of the original 
twelve miles should be surveyed and set apart for the set- 
tlement of sixty-two families, in order to keep the conditions 
by which the grant was to be allowed. It decided to grant 
to Capt. Benjamin Willard, for certain considerations, one of 
which was that he build a mill, k ' one-third part of a thirty- 
third part of said township, or nine hundred and thirty 
acres." A portion of this large grant to Captain Willard 
passed into the hands of several prominent Sudbury citizens, 
who were assignees to Captain Willard. Three of them were 
Rev. Israel Loring, Capt. Samuel Stone, and Capt. Samuel 
Wright. The land thus assigned went to the parties as fol- 
lows: To Mr. Loring, three hundred acres; to Captain Stone, 
two hundred and forty acres ; and to Captain Wright, one 
hundred and twenty acres. 

So much of the land of the twelve miles square as amounted 
to six miles square having now been confirmed to the claim- 
ants, and surveyed, and positions assigned for settlement, on 
petition to the General Court, at a session beginning May 30, 
1722, an act of incorporation was passed, making of this ter- 
ritory the town of Rutland. The place thus being in readi- 
ness for settlement, and quite a portion of it being in the 
hands of Sudbury citizens, and a leader in the enterprise, 
Captain Wright, being a Sudbury man who, for years before 
Rutland was incorporated, was a manager in its affairs, it is 
no wonder that emigration flowed from the town into this 
new country. It was as the great West to a place as near 
the seaboard settlements as Sudbury; and the romance and 


adventure of pioneer life very likely took hold of the inhabi- 
tants, as the same spirit led their ancestors to seek homes 
about the borders of Sudbury River about a century before. 
Accordingly, as might be expected, we find an early exodus 
from the town to the place ; and among the names of parties 
who found homes in Rutland, or in the towns of the original 
twelve miles square, we find the following, which now 
are, or have been, familiar in Sudbury: Newton, Moore, 
Howe, Knight, Ward, Brown, Hunt, Bent, Stevens, Wright, 
Read, Dakin, Goodenow, Rice, Brintnal, Haynes, Stone, 
Parment'er, Estabrook, Clapp, Walker, Maynard. 

Other towns about Sudbury that were represented in the 
settlement of this place were Marlboro, Concord, and Fra- 
mingham, besides some from Boston, Lexington, Lancaster, 
and Brookfield, and some emigrants from Ireland. 

But it is not simply the matter of names and numbers of 
parties from the town that makes it important and interest- 
ing to mention the part taken by Sudbury in the settlement 
of Rutland, but tin 1 prominence of several of them. More or 
less were leaders in the enterprise, and active and influen- 
tial in shaping the young town's life. As showing their 
character, we will give a short sketch of some of them. 

Among the most valuable men of the place Avas Capt. 
Samuel Wright, who came from the West Parish in Sud- 
bury, and was proprietor of lot No. 1 in the first apportion- 
ment of Rutland territory. Captain Wright was the first 
deacon of the church there, justice of the peace, captain of 
the militia, and for years held various other town offices. 
He was clerk and one of the proprietors of the twelve-miles- 
square land tract. It was at a meeting at his house that 
land divisions of the town were confirmed, June 2o, 1721. 
He was the first moderator, town clerk, and selectman 
chosen after Rutland became incorporated. Captain Wright 
kept a tavern for some time opposite the first meeting-house, 
at which place much of the business of the town was trans- 
acted. He was prominent in defending the town against the 
incursions of the Indians, who assailed it savagely in its early 
history ; and in this defense he was reinforced by soldiers 
from Sudbury. Captain Wright was the sixth son of 


Edward Wright, who is supposed to have been a son of 
one of Sudbury's early inhabitants or grantees. He was born 
April 9, 1670. He married Mary Stevens, a daughter of 
Cyprian Stevens, whose wife was Mary Willard, daughter 
of Major Simon Willard of Lancaster, and of his third wife, 
Mary Dunster, who was a relative of Mr. Dunster, president 
of Harvard College. Captain Wright was by this marriage 
one of the heirs to the large land tract originally assigned as 
the Rutland territory, which, as we have mentioned, was, in 
1713, confirmed as to ownership, on petition of the sons and 
grandsons of Major Simon Willard; and his daughter Mary's 
name was among the other heirs in the associate deed. He 
was also by this marriage with Mary made brother-in-law of 
Deacon Joseph Stevens, another early and prominent citizen 
of Rutland, who was the father of Capt. Phineas Stevens, 
the settler of whom we shall next speak in this sketch. Mr. 
Wright had several children, one of whom married Rev. 
Thomas Frink, the first settled minister of the place, and of 
whom mention will be made further on. The Wright family 
years ago almost or wholl} r ceased to be inhabitants of Rut- 

One of the next in prominence as an historic character in 
the early history of Rutland, and who lived in Sudbury and 
had children while there, was Deacon Joseph Stevens. He 
was a son of Cyprian Stevens, who, as we have seen, married 
Mary Willard of Lancaster. He went from Sudbury to Fra- 
mingham, and from there removed to Rutland about 1719. 
He married Prudence Rice, a daughter of John Rice of Sud- 
bury, and while at Sudbury his son Phineas, the Indian 
lighter and famous captain in the French and Indian war, 
was born. Mr. Stevens was thus by relationship grandson 
of Major Simon Willard, and by heirship had an interest in 
the land tract. In the homestead allotment he received lots 
Nos. 15 and 56. He also had two hundred acres of other 
land. He filled various offices, military, ecclesiastical, and 
civil, among which were those of captain of militia and dea- 
con of the church. He put up a small hut on some meadow 
land five miles from his dwelling-place, and, there being no 
road to the place, he went to it daily on rackets or snow- 


shoes to feed his stock. On the 14th of August, 1728, after 
the daily devotional service with his family, Mr. Stevens 
staited with four young men to gather hay, and while en- 
gaged in the work he was assailed by the Indians, two of his 
sons were killed, the eldest and youngest were taken prison- 
ers, and he alone escaped. The captives were taken to Can- 
ada ; and, being kept there a year, were redeemed at great 
expense, after the father had taken two trips to Canada. It 
is said, that, after the capture of these boys, the Indians, 
thinking that Isaac, the younger, who was but four years 
old, would be troublesome to them on their way to Canada, 
were about putting him to death, when their design was dis- 
covered by Phineas, who made signs, that, if his brother 
were spared, he would carry him along on his back. The 
request being granted, little Isaac was carried by his brother 
Phineas, then about seventeen, to the Indians' far-off wilder- 
ness home. Isaac was so young when taken captive that he 
soon acquired the customs and habits of the Indians. It is 
stated that the Indian woman who had this young child in 
charge was so kind in her treatment of him, that he would 
have remained among the savages. By the redemption of 
Phineas Stevens from his captivity in Canada, the country 
received a man whose services were invaluable in after years. 
This son of Sudbury afterward became an historic character, 
from his masterly military prowess in and about Fort No. 4, a 
place on the Connecticut River at Charleston, N.H. Deacon 
Stevens had three daughters, Mindwell, Mary, and Kather- 
ine. He died Nov. 15, 1769, and his wife about 1776. 

Capt. Edward Rice and Rachel, his wife, were from Sud- 
bury, and were some of the most prominent people of Rut- 
land. He was proprietor of two lots — Nos. 34 and 60 — and 
their after divisions. One of these lots he sold to Mr. Benja- 
min Dudley, and settled on the other, which was located at 
Muschapauge Hill, and contained one hundred and forty- 
five acres; but, after building upon it, he sold it, and bought 
a lot south of Pomagussett Meadow, at which place he 
lived, and where he died, at the age of sixty-seven, during 
a remarkable sickness which, in 1756, swept over Rutland, 


destroying during the fall months nearly sixty children. 
Mrs. Rice, his wife, died of small pox, Jan. 7, 1760. Cap- 
tain Rice was a useful citizen for his country, town, and 
church. He entered into the service of his country in 1724, 
and after his return home held both militia and town offices. 

Capt. Samuel Stone was of Lexington, but previously was 
a citizen of Sudbury. He was proprietor of lot No. 25; but, 
with his sons, he eventually became owner of about nine 
hundred acres of land. Samuel Stoue, Jr., on Oct. 20, 1732, 
married a daughter of Deacon Stevens, by whom he had sev- 
eral children. He was an ardent patriot, and died in the 
service of his country at the time of the Revolutionary War. 
His son Isaac died in the French War, Nov. 20, 1756. 

Capt. Phineas Walker and his wife, Beulah Clapp, were 
from Sudbury, where their first two children were born. 
Mr. Clapp owned land at the junction of Ware and Long- 
meadow Brooks, to which place he moved in 1750. He was 
a valuable inhabitant of Rutland, and filled various important 
town offices, and was also a captain in the Revolutionary 
War. Mr. Walker and wife, soon after arriving at Rutland, 
united with the church, and it is stated of them, that, though 
living four miles from the meeting-house, " their seats were 
seldom empty." In the great sickness of 1756, their two 
sons, Abel and John, were buried in one grave. Two of 
their other sons were physicians ; one, named Asa, practised 
in Barre ; the other died Nov. 30, 1797. Jonas was a minute- 
man and officer in the Revolution. 

Col. Daniel Clapp was a Sudbury man, and in 1768 bought 
land in Rutland, to which place he moved from the town of 
Princeton. He filled many important offices while at Rut- 
land, was an officer in the Revolutionary War, and for many 
years registrar of deeds for Worcester County. 

Lieut. Luke Moore and Lucy, his wife, were other citizens 
from Sudbury. Mr. Moore was an officer of militia, and a 
worthy citizen. He subsequently removed from Rutland to 
New Hampshire. It is stated that Mr. Luke Moore was a 
brother of all the women of the name of Moore who went 
from Sudbury to Rutland. 


Lieut. Paul Moore, another titled citizen, was from Sud- 
bury. He was by trade a carpenter. He filled various town 
offices, as town clerk, selectman, and treasurer. Mr. Moore 
married, May 3, 173-3, Hannah Hubbard, a daughter of Capt. 
John Hubbard, who moved from Worcester to Rutland about 
1728; and for his second wife he married Azubah Moore of 
Sudbury. The wife of Lieutenant Moore was a well-known 
maker of deer-skin clothes. A grandson of Mr. and Mrs. 
Moore was Rev. John Hubbard Church, formerly of Pelham, 

Cornet Daniel Estabrook and Hannah, his wife, were both 
from Sudbury. It is stated that Mr. Estabrook, in 1723, 
bought land laid out to Samuel Goodnow to his right of lot 
No. 46, situated on Worcester Hill ; and that when he began 
to fell trees it was perilous going to his work without his 
gun, not only from exposure to Indians, but also to bears 
and wolves. 

Another Sudbury citizen who owned land in Rutland, and 
whose family was represented among its early settlers, was 
Thomas Read, proprietor of Lot 22, with its divisions. 
Thomas Read, the son of Thomas, moved from Sudbury to 
Rutland with Sarah, his wife, and located their homestead 
on the lot just mentioned. They were some of the first pio- 
neers, and shared the perils incident to a settler's life. Mr. 
Read had five children, Jason, Thomas, Mary, Jonathan, and 
Micah. All Mr. Read's sons married wives from Framing- 
ham. Mr. Read was of the old Read family in Sudbury, the 
first of whiclf family in the town was Thomas, who settled at 
Lanham as early as 1654. It is said, in the " History of Rut- 
land," that "this family of Reads have been useful and indus- 
trious inhabitants of Rutland for one hundred and twenty 

Jonathan Stearns, who married Abigail Moore, bought 
lands adjacent to what is called the East Wing. 

Moses Maynard and his wife, Tabitha Moore, bought 
land in Rutland adjacent to the East Wing, which was 
once granted to Jonathan Waldo, and first division of upland 
to the right of lots Nos. 26 and 27. The descendants of Mr. 


and Mrs. Maynard were numerous, and settled to quite an 
extent in New Hampshire and Georgia. In 1836 it was said 
that Mr. Maynard was the largest man that ever lived in 
Rutland, and that about a year and a half before his death, 
which occurred in his sixty-eighth year, he weighed four 
hundred and fifty-one pounds. 

Mr. Moses Baxter, a carpenter, who married Mary Moore 
of Sudbury, bought a farm joining the East Wing. 

Mr. Eliphalet Howe was of the old Howe family in Sud- 
bury, and bought land on Walnut Hill, Rutland. 

Among the settlers in and about Rutland are other and 
familiar Sudbury names ; but those which have been given 
show how much the town contributed towards the settle- 
ment. In the establishment of the church, also, Sudbury 
was quite prominent. The first deacon was Samuel Wright, 
at whose house was held a meeting for the signing of the 
church covenant, July 18, 1727. July 24, 1721, Rev. Joseph 
Willard was chosen pastor, but was slain by the Indians 
August 14 of the same year. At a meeting held May 17, 
1727, at which Capt. Samuel Wright presided, Rev. Thomas 
Frink was chosen by unanimous vote to be the settled pas- 
tor. He was a native of Sudbury, and took his degree at 
Harvard College in 1722. His father came from England, 
with two brothers. He was settled at Rutland, Nov. 1, 
1727, and dismissed Sept. 8, 1740. Previous to the installa- 
tion of Mr. Frink, letters missive were sent to six churches, 
among which were those of the East and West Parishes, 
Sudbury. Samuel Wright and Lieut. Simon Davis were 
chosen to sign these letters for the church. In accordance 
with the invitation, Revs. Loring and Cook of Sudbury were 
present. Mr. Frink and Capt. Samuel Wright joined the 
church by letters brought from the West Precinct Church. 
Rev. Israel Loring preached the installation sermon, from 
2 Cor. ii. 16 : " And who is sufficient for these things." 
After laying on of hands by Revs. Loring, Prentice, Par- 
sons, and Chenery, Mr. Frink " was ordained a Presbiter 
of the Church and Pastor of Rutland." Mr. Loring gave 
the right hand of fellowship. After singing part of the 


Eighty-ninth Psalm, the pastor "pronounced the Bless- 

After Mr. Frink was dismissed from Rutland, he was 
installed pastor of the Third Church, Plymouth, Nov. 7, 
1743 ; and October, 1753, he was installed pastor at Barre, 
where he labored until July 17, 1766. He married Isabella, 
daughter of Capt. Samuel Wright, Feb. 13, 1729, and had a 
family of ten children. He was a man of considerable ability, 
and preached the election sermon at Boston in 1758. His 
son Samuel was also a minister ; and at the time of Mr. 
Whitefield's visit to the country he was rector of a church 
in Savannah, Ga. John Frink was a physician, and prac- 
ticed in Rutland. 

Thus the influence of Sudbury in the settlement of Rut- 
land was strongly marked ; and it may be gratifying to the 
town's people to-day that such good and prominent results 
have accrued from the presence of her citizens abroad. 



Activity on the West Side of the River. — Early Homesteads. — Laying 
Out of the "New Grant." — Land Allotments. — Owners and Occu- 
pants. —"The Thirty Rod Highway." — Settlement of Marlboro. — 
The "Hop Brook Mill." — Highway to the New Mill. — "Old Lan- 
caster Road." — New Meeting-House; Contract. — The " Cow Com- 
mon " Controversy. 

The smoke wreaths curling o'er the dell, 
The low, the bleat, the tinkling bell, 

All made a landscape strange, 
Which was the living chronicle 

Of deeds that wrought the change. 

A. B. Street. 

Having noticed the leading events in the establishment 
of the town, we will now consider its history mainly by 
periods of a quarter of a century each. In doing this we 
shall consider events somewhat in chronological order, tak- 
ing liberty, however, to deviate as much as convenience and 
a proper treatment of the subject may direct. 

Between 1650 and 1675 the west side had rapid develop- 
ment. Prior to the beginning of this period the pioneer 
spirit of the settlers had led to a thorough exploration of 
this part of the town, and they had located by its hills and 
along its meadows and valleys, as if undaunted by distance 
from the meeting-house and mill, and indifferent to the perils 
of the wilderness. But although there was, to an extent, an 
occupation of the west part of the town from the very begin- 
ning of the settlement, yet the greater activity was for a 
time on the east side ; in that part was the centralization of 
people, and things were more convenient and safe. Indeed, 
the settlers for a season may have regarded the west side as 



a wilderness country, destined long to remain in an unbroken 
state. The view westward from certain points along the first 
street was upon woody peaks and rocky hillsides. Beyond 
the valley of Lanham and Lowance, towered Nobscot; its 
slope, thickly covered with forest, might look like an inhos- 
pitable waste; while the nearer eminence of Goodman's Hill, 
with its rough, rocky projections, may have had a broken 
and desolate aspect. It is no wonder, then, that in the ear- 
lier years of the settlement we read of so many corn-fields on 
the east side of the river, and find parties desirous of obtain- 
ing new farms seeking them in a southerly rather than a 
westerly direction. But when absolute wants were once 
met, and things essential to existence were provided ; when 
the settlers had acquired a better knowledge of the country 
and of the character of its native inhabitants, and a substan- 
tial causeway was made, — then began a greater development 
of the west part of the town. 

The indications are that these things were accomplished 
about the year 1650. At this time we begin to notice the 
mention of homesteads on the west side, and the construc- 
tion of works for public convenience. The lands first occu- 
pied, probably, were those near Lanham and Pantry, and 
along the meadows by the. river course ; while the more 
central portion, called " Rocky Plain," was not taken till 
somewhat later. This is indicated, not only by the known 
locations of early homesteads, but by the locality of the west 
side cow common. (See Chapter VII.) These sections 
may have been first taken on account of the abundance of 
meadow land, and the existence of roads which had been 
made for the transportation of hay. 

A prominent person who early located there was Walter 
Haynes. He had a house b\ the meadow margin, which, in 
1676, was used as a garrison, and which early in town his- 
tory was called " Mr. Haynes' old house." In 1646 he was 
granted liberty to run a fence " from his meadow, which lies 
on the west side of the river, across the highway to his 
fence of his upland at his new dwelling-house, provided that 
Walter Hayne do keep a gate at each side of his meadow for 
the passing of carts and the herds along the highway that 


his fence may not be prejudicial to the town." Both rec- 
ord and tradition indicate that John and Edmund Goodenow 
early had lands near the Gravel Pit, and also at or near the 
present Farr and Coolidge Farms. By 1659, Thomas Noyes 
and Thomas Plympton had established houses on the west 
side, — the former on lands at Hop Brook, and the latter at 
Strawberry Bank. As early at least as 1654, Thomas Read 
was at Lanham ; and by 1659 Peter Bent was there also. 

Some public acts which indicate activity on the west side, 
as set forth by the records, are as follows : In 1654 it was 
ordered that Walter Hayne and John Stone " shall see to 
the fences of all the corn-fields on their side the river ; " and 
in 1659 a committee was appointed to look after the high- 
ways there. The mention of bridges by 1641, the ferry of 
Mr. Noyes in 1642, and the contract for a cart-bridge in 
1643, are all indications of early activity in the west part 
of the town. But the more important matters of a public 
nature were in connection with the laying out of new lands, 
the construction of important roads, and the erection of a mill. 


These lands consisted of the two-mile grant, allowed in 
1649. (See Chapter IV.) Its eastern boundary line ex- 
tended nearly as follows: A little west of North Sudbury, 
Sudbury Centre, and South Sudbury, or, more specifically, 
by the Moses Mossman place, across the Poor Farm, by 
the east bank of Willis's Mill Pond, across or just east of 
Blandford's Pond, over the Walter Rogers place, and a little 
west of Hunt's Bridge. From this easterly limit, it extended 
to the town's western boundary. Oct. 27, 1651, John Sher- 
man and others were appointed to lay out this land. The 
following record indicates how the money was raised to meet 
the expense of this work, and also a rule that was agreed 
upon for the apportionment of the land: — 

Nov. 27, 1651. "It is agreed in a public town meeting 
warned for that purpose, that the rate now to be levied for 
the payment of John Sherman and others for laying out the 
two miles westward joining to our former bounds which Was 
last granted by the Court for our enlargement shall be paid 


by the inhabitants every man to pay alike, the same in quan- 
tity and when that the two miles shall be layed out that 
every man shall enjoy a like quantity of that land." 

About two years later a dispute arose relative to the man- 
ner in which the two-mile grant was to be divided. " Two 
ways were proposed, neither of which gave satisfaction ; the 
first was to divide them equally to every man ; the other was 
to divide by estate or family — to every man four parts — to 
every wife, child or servant bought or brought up in the 
family one part." 

On Jan. 4, 1655, at a selectmen's meeting it was " voted 
to take some means to get the new grants laid out ; " and it 
was also agreed " to keep a herd of cattle upon the land the 
next summer." Thus the subject of the new grant was a 
prominent one, and how to apportion it was an important 
matter. At length the plan was adopted of dividing it 
into squadrons, the arrangement of which was as follows: 
"The south east was to be the first, the north east the 
second, the north west the third, and the south west the 
fourth." It was voted there should be a highway extending 
north and south, " 30 rods wide im the new grant joining to 
the five miles first granted;" also, "Voted that there should 
be a highway 30 rods wide, from south to north, paralel with 
the other said highway in the middle of the remaining tract 
of land." 

The records further state, that, as there was a pond in the 
third and second squadrons, " so that the middle highway 
from south to north cannot pass strait," it was voted to have 
it "go round the pond." These squadrons were subdivided 
into parcels of equal size, each containing one hundred and 
thirty acres, and were apportioned to the people by lot. It 
was voted that "the first lot drawn was to begin at the 
south side of the first squadron running east and west 
betwixt our highways ; the second lot to be in the north 
side of the first, and so every lot following successively as 
they are drawn till we come to Concord line and so the first 
and second squadron." 

Persons who received parts of this land, and the order of 
receiving it, are thus given in the records : — 



Thomas Noyes 
Walter Hains 
William Kerley 
Joseph Freeman 
Henry Curtis 
Mr. Brian Pendleton 
Thomas Rice 
Edward Rice 
Mr. Herbert Pelham 
L[t] Edmund Goodenow 
Robert Davis 

The second squadron are : 

William Ward 

Josiah Hains 

Henry Loker 

John How 

Edmund Rice 

Philemon Whale 

John Loker 

Mr. Edmund Browne 

John Parmenter, Dea 

John Maynard 

Robert Darnill 

Thomas White 

Richard Newton 

John Reddicke, part of his 















These twelve lots written, are the 
first squadron, the first of them 
joining to the country land on the 
south, and the last of them join- 
ing to Lancaster highway on the 
north, each lot containing one hun- 
dred and thirty acres, the length 
being nearest hand east and west, 
the breadth north and south. 

These thirteen lots and a part afore written are the second squadron, 
the first whereof being William Ward's who joineth to Lancaster high- 
way on the south, the last being part of Sargent Reddicke's lot which 
joineth to Concord line on the north all this squadron of lots, with the 
other aforegoing, being bounded on the east by a highway thirty rods 
wide, and part of the two miles last granted to Sudbury each lot contain- 
ing one hundred and thirty acres ; third squadron are as followeth : — 

John Ward 
Peter Kin<;e 
John Smiih 
Hugh Griffin 
Henry Rice 

John [ ] 

Robert Beast 
William Kerley Sen 
John Wood 
John Rutter 

27 Mr Wm Browne his farm of 

28 two hundred acres, and his lot of 

29 one hundred and thirty acres, be- 

30 ing granted to be in the north 

31 west angle beyond Asibath river 

32 before the lots were laid out. Also 

33 the other part of Sargent Red- 

34 dicke's lot joining to Mr. William 

35 Browne's farm on the north. 


Solomon Johnson Sen 37 

John Toll 38 

Widow Goodenow 39 

The thirteen lots last written with Mr. W m Browne's farm and lot 
and the part of Sergent Reddicke's lot, are the third squadron. Mr. 
Browne's farm joineth to Concord line on the north, and the widow 
Goodenow's lot joineth the same said Lancaster highway on the south, 
the said squadron of lots and farm being on the east the middle highway 
thirty rods wide and the second squadron, and butting on the west upon 
the wilderness. 

The fourth squadron are as followeth : — 

John Moores 40 

John Woodward 41 

John Grout, 42 

John Bent Sen, 43 

Thomas Goodenow 44 

Thomas Plympton, 45 

John Haines, 46 

Mr. Peter Noyes, 47 

Mr William Pelham 48 

John Parmenter Junior, 49 

Thomas Kinge 50 
The Cowpen land being one 

hundred and thirty acres 51 

These above eleven lots going with the cowpen land, are the fourth 
and last squadron, the first [one] of [which] being [that of] John Moores, 
who joineth on the north the same said Lancaster highway, the cowpen 
being the last, which joineth on the south to the wilderness the said 
eleven lots and cowpen butting on the east the aforesaid -J- highway and 
first squadron and butting on the west the wilderness. Also let it he 
remembered that the long highway from south to north goeth at the 
west end of the pond through the lands of John Toll and Solomon John- 
son, and is twelve rods wide at the narrowest, which way the said John 
Toll and Johnson have sufficient allowance. 

This land, laid out so regularly, was good property. Some 
of the most substantial homesteads of the town have been, 
and still are, upon it. The names of Howe, Parmenter, 
Woodward, Moore, Browne, Walker, Noyes, Balcom, and 
Rice, of the older inhabitants, and, later, of Fairbanks, 
Stone, Willis, Smith, Hayden, Maynard, Perry, Bowker, 
Vose, Brigham, and others, — all had residences there. The 
possession of this new grant territory, and its early appor- 


tionment, would serve naturally to keep the people in town. 
It opened new resources to the settlers by its timber lands ; 
and the circuitous course of Wash Brook gave meadows and 
mill privileges which the people were not slow to improve. 
Probably the earlier settlers of this tract went from the east 
side of the river as into a new country or wilderness. There 
they erected garrisons ; and that there were in this territory 
at least three of these houses indicates the exposed condition 
of the place at the time of its early occupation by the English. 
"Willis," the largest pond in town, a part of "Nobscot," the 
highest hill, and the most extensive timber tracts, are in this 
new grant. In it have been located no less than five saw or 
grist mills. From this territory was taken part of the town 
of Maynard, and in it were located for years two out of five 
of the old-time district school-houses. The Wayside Inn 
and the Walker Garrison are still there ; and although the 
stirring scenes of the old stage period, which gave liveliness 
to the one, and the dismal war days, which gave importance 
to the other, have passed away, yet there remains a thrift 
and prosperity about the substantial farms of the ancient 
new grant lots that make this locality one of importance and 


But, while these new lands proved so beneficial to the 
town, the " Thirty-Rod Highway " in time caused considera- 
ble trouble. It was laid out for the accommodation of the 
•owners of lots, and, as the name indicates, was thirty rods 
wide. The unnecessary width may be accounted for as we 
account for other wide roads of that day : land was plentiful, 
and the timber of so large a tract would be serviceable to the 

But the width tended to cause disturbance. The land was 
sought for by various parties, — by abutters on one or both 
sides, it may be ; by those dwelling within the near neigh- 
borhood ; and by such as desired it for an addition to their 
outlying lands, or a convenient annex to their farms. The 
result was that to protect it required considerable vigilance. 
Encroachments were made upon it, wood and timber were 


taken away, and at successive town-meetings what to do 
with this Thirty-Rod Highway was an important matter 
of business. But at length it largely ceased to be public 
property. Piece after piece had been disposed of; some of it 
had been purchased by private parties, some of it exchanged 
for lands used for other highways, and some of it may have 
been gained by right of possession. 

But, though so much of this road has ceased to be used by 
the public, there are parts still retained by the town and 
open to public use. The Dudley Road, about a quarter of a 
mile from the William Stone place, and which passes a small 
pond called the Horse Pond, tradition says is a part of this 
way. From near the junction of this with the county road, 
a part of the Thirty-Rod Way runs south, and is still used as 
a way to Nobscot. On it, tradition also says, is the Small- 
Pox Burying-Ground at Nobscot. A part of this road, as it 
runs east and west, is probably the present Boston and Ber- 
lin Road, or what was the " Old Lancaster Road." Other 
parts of this way may be old wood-paths that the Sudbury 
farmers still use and speak of as being a part of this ancient 


This road, which was at first called the " Road to Nashu- 
way," probably followed an ancient trail. In 1653 it was 
" agreed by the town that Lieutenant Goodenow and Ensign 
Noyes shall lay out the way with Nashuway men so far as it 
goes within our town bound." A record of this road is on the 
Town Book, and just following is this statement : — 

"This is a true copy of the commissioners appointed by 
the town taken from the original and examined by me. 

" Hugh Griffin." 

This record, which is among those for 1646, by the lapse 
of time has become so worn that parts are entirely gone. It 
is supposed, however, that some of the lost parts have been 
restored or supplied by the late Dr. Stearns. We will give 
the record, so far as it can be obtained from the Town Book, 
and insert in brackets the words that have been supplied 
from other sources : — 



We whose names are hereunto subscribed appointed by] Sudbury 
and the town of Lancaster to lay out the high[way over the] river 
meadow in Sudbury near Lancaster to the [town] bound according to the 
Court order, have agreed as follows [viz.] That the highway beginning 
at the great river meadow [at the gravel] pitt shall run from thence [to 
the northwest side of] Thomas Plympton's house, [and from thence] to 
timber swa[mp as] marked by us and so on to Hart Pond leaving the 
[rock] on the north side of the way and from thence to the extreme 
[Sudbury bounds] as we have now marked it the breadth of the way is 
to be the gravel pitt to the west end of Thomas Plympton's lot and . . . 
rods wide all the way to the utmost of Sudbury bound and thence upon 
the common highway towards Lancaster through Sud[bury] therefore 
we have hereunto set our hand the 22 nd day of this pres[ent month] 

Edmund Goodenow 

Date 1653 Thomas Noyes 

William Kerley 

This road has for many years been a landmark in Sud- 
bury ; but the oldest inhabitant cannot remember when, in 
its entire length, it was used as a highway. Parts of it were 
long since discontinued, and were either sold or reverted to 
the estates of former owners. In 1806, an article was in the 
warrant " to see if the town would take any measures for 
opening the road called ' Lancaster Old Road ' at a gate a 
little north of Curtis Moore's dwelling house thence running 
southerly till it comes into the road leading from the mills to 
the meeting house." The road here referred to is probably 
that which comes out by the present Horatio Hunt place, 
about midway of the two villages. This record shews the 
track of the road from its intersection with the present 
meeting-house road to the point referred to as being "a little 
north of Curtis Moore's dwelling house ; " and, from that 
point, it probably continued along the present travelled way 
to the Berlin road. Its course east of the Hunt place, so far 
as we can judge from tradition, record, visible traces, and 
the lay of the land, took the following course : Going east- 
erly a few rods, it goes southerly, and at a point about a 
quarter of a mile easterly of the Wadsworth Monumesfc it 
takes a southeasterly course, and intersects the present 
Graves Road at the junction of two roads, near the William 
Jones place. It then, we believe, ran northeasterly over the 
length of the ridge, by what is still a rude wood-path, and 


came out on the eastern slope of the hill, near the Albert 
Haynes place, where Mr. Plympton once kept a grocery store. 
A little east of this, and south of the Elbridge Bent place, 
there are traces of a road, that for a little distance has a stone- 
wall on either side, and which comes out a little south of the 
western end of the northern causeway, or at a point a little 
south of where the Water-row Road intersects the road going 
from Sudbury Centre to Wayland. Some have placed that 
part of this road which is east of the Graves Road a little 
further south, — that is, along the south side of the hill, 
rather than upon it, — but we believe the nature of the 
meadow at the east, and the absence of all trace of the road 
in the valley, together with traces of an ancient road through 
the woods on the hill and also near the Elbridge Bent place, 
are evidences that it took the course first described. Prob- 
ably mistakes have been made relative to the course of this 
road west of Sudbury Centre, from the fact that formerly 
there were two Lancaster roads. (See map of 1794.) 

The two-mile grant was hardly disposed of, and the Lan- 
caster Road laid out, before there was a plan for the forma- 
tion of a new plantation. The result was the settlement of 
the town of Marlboro. (See Chapter IX.) But the loss 
of population did not materially affect the prosperity of the 
town or delay the progress on the west side. 


In 1659 a mill was put up, where the present Parmen- 
ter Mill stands in South Sudbury. This mill was erected by 
Thomas and Peter Noyes. In recognition of the servicea- 
bleness of their work to the community, the town made them 
a land grant, and favored them with such privileges as are 
set forth in the following record : — 

Jan. 7 th 1659. Granted unto Mr Thomas Noyes and to M r Peter 
Noyes for and in consideration of building a mill at Hop brook laying 
and being on the west side of Sudbury great river below the cart way 
that leads to Ridge meadow viz : fifty acres of upland and fifteen acres of 
meadow without commonadge^o the said meadow four acres of the said 
fifteen acres of meadow lying and being within the demised tracts of 
uplands ; Also granted to the above named parties timber of any of Sud- 


bury's common land, to build and maintain the said mill. Also the said 
Thomas and Peter Noyes do covenant with the town for the foregoing 
consideration, to build a sufficient mill to grind the town of Sudbury's 
corn ; the mill to be built below the cart way that now is leading to 
Ridge meadow, the said Grantees, their heirs and successors are to have 
nothing to do with the stream above four rods above the aforementioned 
cartway of said mill to be ready to grind the corn by the first of Decem- 
ber next ensueing, and if the said grantees, their heirs or assigns shall 
damage the highway over the brook, by building the said mill, they are 
to make the way as good as now it is, from time to time, that is to say, 
the above specified way, over the Mill brook of said Thomas Noyes and 
Peter are also to leave a highway six rods wide joining to the brook 
from the east way that now is to the Widow Loker's meadow. (Town 
Records, Vol. I.) 

While the new mill was being built, a way was being 
made to it from the causeway, as we are informed by the 
following record, dated Feb. 7, 1659: — 

We the Selectmen of Sudbury, finding sundry inconveniences, by rea- 
son of bad and ill highways not being passable to meadow lands and 
other towns, and finding the law doth commit the stating of the highways 
to the prudence of the selectmen of towns, we therefore being met the 
day and year above written, on purpose to view the highways in the west 
side of Sudbury river, and having taken pains to view them, do we say, 
conclude and jointly agree that the highway from the Gravel pits shall 
go through the land newly purchased of Lieut. Goodenow to that end, 
and from thence down the brow of the hill the now passed highway, 
unto the place where the new mill is building, that is to say, the way that 
is now in occupation, we mean the way that goeth to the south and Mr 
Beisbeich his house, we conclude and jointly agree, that the way to the 
meadows, as namely, the meadow of John Grout, Widow Goodenow, 
John Maynard, Lieut. Goodenow, shall go as now it doth, that is to say, 
in the hollow to the said meadows, the highway to be six rods wide all 
along by the side of the said meadows. 

The new road here mentioned is, probably, mainly the 
same as that leading from the old causeway, or Gravel Pit, 
to South Sudbury to-day. Until within about a century it 
passed round the southern brow of Green Hill. This road 
was probably part of a path or trail that had been travelled 
before. This is indicated both by the circumstances and the 
language of the record. It is not improbable, that, before 
the formal recognition or laying out of this road, a part of 
it was a way from the Gravel Pit, or end of the long cause- 


way, to Lieutenant Goodenovv's, southeasterly of the present 
Coolidge place, and extended from that point to Lanham, and 
was the road travelled by Thomas Read and others of Lan- 
ham to the meeting-house. There is still an old lane easterly 
of the Cooledge Farm, marked by fragments of wall, which 
may have been a part of the way to the old Goodenow Gar- 
rison. It is not improbable that this lane extended as a path- 
way along the margin of Lanham Meadows to Lanham. If 
this was the case, then the land spoken of as purchased of 
Lieutenant Goodenow, for the " new mill " road, may have 
extended, from the point where this lane leaves the present 
county road, along towards Green Hill ; and the " now passed 
highway " mentioned may have been the road in Soutli Sud- 
bury called the " old road," which, it is conjectured, was a 
part of the path leading from South Sudbury to the old Lan- 
caster trail. (See period 1675-1700.) Or, in other words, 
two ways may be referred to in the records as making a part 
of this new road ; one, a portion of the path leading from the 
old Lancaster trail to the southwest part of the town, which 
was probably travelled by those living in the vicinity of Nob- 
scot, as they passed to the east part of the town ; the other, 
an early path by the Goodenow Garrison to Lanham. 


While the town was making improvements on the west 
side of the river, it was active on the east side also ; and one 
of the important works there, in this period, was the erection 
of a new meeting-house. Whether the people had outgrown 
the old one, or desired a better, is not stated ; but it is a mark 
of thrift, or of increase, that they proposed to build anew. 
That more room was wanted, is indicated by this record, in 
1651 : " It was agreed by the town that Edm d Rice Senior, 
William Browne, John Reddicke and Henry Rice that they 
four shall desire the Pastor's approbation to build galleries 
in the old meeting-house, and if the Pastor do consent, then 
the town doth hereby give full power to the Pastor and these 
four men to continue the work, and to let it out to work- 


Probably these galleries were never put in, as they soon 
afterwards commenced building a new meeting-house. Be- 
fore, however, it was decided to build anew, various plans 
were suggested relative to the enlargment and improvement 
of the old one. In 1650 it was ordered that the deacons 
should "mend the meeting house and make it comfortable." 
One plan was to enlarge it by the addition of " 13 foote at 
the end of it," and that the committee should " finish the 
back side which enlargement is for a watchouse." A plan 
a little later was that the meeting-house " be enlarged by 
building 10 foote on the foreside of it all the length of the 
meeting house to be built with two gable ends in the front ; 
and Mr. Brown the Pastor doth promise to give twenty shil- 
lings toward the work ; the former order for enlarging the 
meeting house at the north west end is hereby repealed. It 
is also ordered that the back side of the meeting house be 
made hansom." 

On Dec. 10, 1651, the town succeeded in passing a vote 
for the erection of a new meeting-house, the vote standing 
twenty-five for and fourteen against it. But this vote was 
repealed at a meeting January 23 of the same year (Old 
Style), together with all orders for the repairing or altera- 
tion of the old one. The following year it was " agreed that 
the meeting house shall be made use of for a watch house 
until some further course be taken by the town." At length 
it was again decided to build a new meeting-house ; and in 
1652 a contract was made for the work. 

This contract is on the Town Records, but has become 
considerably worn and defaced, so that parts are almost 
or quite unintelligible. There is, however, a copy in the 
"Stearns Collection," which, with some slight immaterial 
alterations, is as follows : — 

The town agreed with Thomas Plympton Peter King & Hugh Griffin 
to build a new meeting house which was to be forty feet long & twenty 
feet wide measuring from outside to outside, the studds were to be 6 
inches by 4 to stand for a four foot clapboard. There were to be 4 tran- 
som windows five feet wide & 6 feet high, and in each gable end a clear- 
story window, each window was to be 4 feet wide and 3 feet high. There 
were to be sufficient dorments across the house for galleries if there 


should afterward be a desire for galleries the beams to be 12 inches by 
14 and the ground sills were to be of white oak 8 inches square. The 
posts were to be a foot square, and the 2 middle beams to be smoothed 
on three sides and the lower corners to be run with a bowkell. They 
the said Plympton King & Griffin are to find timber to fell, hew, saw, 
cart, frame, carry to place & they are to level the ground and to find 
them sufficient help to raise the house, they are to inclose the house 
with clap boards and to lyne the inside with cedar boards or otherwise 
with good spruce boards, & to be smoothed & over lapped and to be 
lyned up the windows, & they are to hang the doors so as to bolt. One 
of the doors on the inside is to be sett with a lock. They are to lay the 
sleepers of the doors with white oak or good swamp pine, & to floor the 
house with plank. They are to finish all the works but the seats, for 
which the town do covenant to give them * * * * 5 pound 20 to be 
paid in march next in Indyan [corn] or cattle, 30 more to be paid in Sep' 
next to be paid in wheat, butter, or money & the rest to be paid as soon 
as the work is done in Indyan corn or cattle the corn to [be] merchanta- 
ble at the price current. 

Witness Edmd. Goodnow 
Thomas Noyes 

The new building was to be erected on the site of the old 
one. The town ordered " that the carpenters should provide 
12 men to help them raise the meeting house," for which 
they were to be allowed half a crown a day. The roof was to 
be covered with thatch, and the workmen were to have " the 
meadow afterwards the minister's to get their thatch upon." 
In 1654 a committee was appointed "to agree with some- 
body to fill the walls of the meeting house with tempered 
clay provided they do not exceed the sum of 5 pounds 10 
shillings." The parties who were to build the house were 
employed " to build seats after the same fashion as in the old 
meeting house," and they were to have for every seat one 
shilling eight pence. The seats were to be made of white 
oak, "both posts and rails and benches." In 1655 the pas- 
tor and Mr. Noyes were empowered lt to appoint a man to 
remove the pulpit and the deacons' seat out of the old meet- 
ing house into the new meeting house." Hugh Griffin was 
appointed for the work, and was k to have 18 shillings for 
the work if the work is done this week or next according to 
the pastor's approbation." 

The records also state that " upon the pastor's request the 
town hath granted that he shall have liberty for to set up 


the seat for his wife in the new meeting house under the 
window by the pulpit." 

Dec. 27, 1655, it was voted that the meeting-house should 
be seated with new seats, "that the seats now brought into 
the meeting house shall be carried out again and the select 
men shall have power to place men in the seats when they 
are built." 

The new building being brought to completion, the 
people probably left the little first meeting-house that the 
deft hands of John Rutter had reared, and went into this 
with hearts thankful for new comforts and conveniences. 
It may, however, have been with some reluctance that they 
left the old meeting-house, as around it doubtless clustered 
memories both glad and sad ; for it had sheltered them 
in times of united worship in their earlier experience in 
Sudbury ; when they had special need of divine support 
as strangers in a wilderness country, there they met, and 
together found strength for their trials and toils, and grace 
which brought patience and faith. Surely the old meeting- 
house was a place only to be exchanged for another, as that 
other brought new comforts and was better adapted to meet 
their needs. Thus at the beginning of this period the town 
was in a thrifty condition, and had a fair prospect of speedy 
development and future prosperity. Civilized life was cast- 
ing its brightness over the hills and along the valleys, and 
the scattered corn and wheat fields were gladdening the 
plains, which were being dotted on both sides of the river 
with pleasant homesteads. The young people who early 
came to the settlement were now coming into the full 
strength of sturdy manhood and womanhood ; and all had 
been sufficiently long in the country to know what it re- 
quired of them and what they might expect from it. No 
outbreak had as yet occurred between the white man and 
his copper-colored brother of the woods, and both Nature 
and her children worked together in harmonious relations to 
bring plenty and peace. There are various small matters on 
record which indicate that the town looked well to its 
minor relations or interests, and exercised a vigilant watch- 
fulness in making provision for whatever called for its 


care. The following are the records of some of these mat- 

March 6, 1650, it was ordered " that the town rate of | 
now to be raised for the payment of the town debt shall be 
paid in corn." The same year it "ordered, a rate for the 
town pound to the value of 10 pound shall be leved to be 
paid in wheat 5 bush butter 6 d , and | shall pay as much as a 
bushel of wheat." 

A controversy was going on about this time with regard 
to the Sudbury and Watertown bounds, and the town made 
"provision to prevent the encroachments of Watertown;" 
and a committee was appointed " to seek for the stopping of 
Watertown proceedings in coming too near our bound." 
The same year it was ordered that " a part of the town rate 
should be appropriated for the drum and halberd," and a 
rate was assessed " for repairing the Bridge, and Hugh Grif- 
fin was to have some pine poles for the staying of the same." 
In March, 1654, the controversy about the territorial bounds 
between Sudbury and Watertown was ended by the estab- 
lishment of a boundary line between the two towns, by 
agents appointed from both places. In 1655, "the line of 
the New Grant was run by John Ruddock, Thomas Noyes, 
and John Howe." 

But while the town was growing and increasing in strength, 
a controversy occurred which was of a somewhat serious char- 
acter. Questions arose relating to the division of the " two- 
mile grant," to the title of parties to certain lands, and to 
rights in the east side cow common. The controversy con- 
cerning this latter subject was in relation to "sizing" or 
" stinting " the common. It was specified when this land 
was reserved, that it " should never be ceded or laid down, 
without the consent of every inhabitant and townsman that 
hath right in commonage ; " and the rule for pasturing cat- 
tle upon it was, " The inhabitants are to be limited in the 
putting in of cattle upon the said common, according to the 
quantity of meadow the said inhabitants are rated in upon 
the division of the meadows." The rule of allowance on 
this basis was as follows : "For every two acres of meadow 
one beast, that is either cow, ox, bull or steer, or heifer 


above a year old, and every horse or mare above a year old 
to go as one beast and a half, and every six sheep to go for 
one beast, and that all cattle under a year old shall go with- 
out sizing." The endeavor to define rights of commonage, 
or the relation of the individual to this piece of town prop- 
erty, proved a difficult task. As might be expected among 
a people of positive natures, strong opinions were enter- 
tained, and decided attitudes were taken concerning a mat- 
ter of individual rights. The affair was not wholly confined 
to the town in its social and civil relations, but the church 
became connected with it. The result was that a council 
was called to adjust ecclesiastical matters, and advice was 
also sought and obtained of the General Court. 

It is not our purpose to give all the details of this once 
memorable case. We will, however, state a few facts that 
may suggest something of its general character. The case 
came before the people by a call in town-meeting for a vote 
as to whether they considered " the act of the selectmen in 
sizing the commons a righteous act." The affair not being 
satisfactorily adjusted in town-meeting, all the issues con- 
cerning the controversy, whether related to the cow com- 
mons or other matters in dispute, were laid before a com- 
mittee of the Colonial Court. In answer to a petition of 
Edmund Brown, Peter Noyes, Jr., Walter Haynes, and 
divers others of Sudbury, the Court ordered that Maj. Simon 
Willard, Ensign Jn° Sherman and Mr. Thomas Danforth 
should be a committee " to hear and determine the differ- 
ence between all or any of the inhabitants of Sudbury in 
reference to what is mentioned in the petition which petition 
is on file." (Colonial Records, Vol. IV., p. 228, date 1655.) 
The committee met at the ordinary kept by John Parmen- 
ter, and the questions which came before them were as fol- 
lows : first, as to the right or title of certain individuals to 
certain lands, and specifically as to some held by Rev. Ed- 
mund Brown and Hugh Griffin ; second, as regarding the 
right of suffrage exercised by some not considered town 
inhabitants ; third, as regarding the right of sizing or stint- 
ing the common ; fourth, as regarding the act of defacing 
the town records. The committee appointed by the Court 


to adjust matters rendered this report: "Concerning the title 
of lands appropriated to several inhabitants ... we do not 
find just cause to make valid their claims ; " and as concerns 
the land held by Mr. Brown the pastor of the Church there 
touching a part thereof some objection has been made and 
clamoring report laid against him, we do not find any just 
ground for the same." The committee concluded his titles 
were good, and confirmed them. Concerning the stinting of 
the common within the compass of the five miles, the com- 
mittee concluded that the rule was " not as clear as desira- 
ble ; " and they made the following recommendations, which 
are given mainly in their own words : That, in the rule for 
stinting the common, respect should be had for both those 
whose estates had been weakened and those which had been 
prospered, that those of the former class should be consid- 
ered and proportioned according to their several allotments 
of meadow, which gave them their right in the other part 
of the common already determined, the rule for which was 
in the Town Book, folio 27, and there was no disagree- 
ment about, and those of the latter class, namely, whose 
estate had been prospered, should be considered and propor- 
tioned according to the invoice of their estates given in for 
the county rate last past, without any respect had to their 
meadow formerly allotted them. The committee also de- 
clared that no person should have power to vote about the 
common " but such as have been allowed as free inhabitants 
of the town or have come upon the right of some that were 
so allowed." Since the committee found that the records, 
folio 58, touching the case, had been " crossed and defaced, 
they censured the act, and recommended that they be kept 
by the recorder of the court until there be a loving com- 
posure and agreement for former differences and a mutual 
choice of a fit person to keep the same." As some com- 
plaint had been made in reference to the title of Hugh Grif- 
fin's land, they stated that they considered his title valid. 
They finally concluded that every "allowed inhabitant of the 
town should have his commonage according to his meadow 
or invoice of his estate at his pleasure ; " and that no person 
who is not an allowed inhabitant, or had meadow, in case of 


voting should have any claim to commonage. The people 
of Sudbury expressed full assent to the report of the com- 
missioners, and returned " hearty thanks unto them for their 
paines faithfulness and love expressed." The council of 
churches having also met and considered the case, a for- 
mal adjustment of matters was made, and again things 
moved on in their accustomed way. "John Parmenter 
having expended the sum of 17-5-12 in entertaining both the 
council and committee appointed to end their differences, the 
Court orderes the said charges to be borne by all the town ." j 



Philip's War: Sources of Information; Cause and Nature. — Defensive 
Measures by the Town: Garrison- Houses ; Militia. — Defensive 
Measures by the Colony. — Services of the Town outside its Limits; 
List of Men Impressed. — Swamp Fight. — Services of Ephraim 
Curtis among the Nipnets : As a Messenger with Proposals of Peace; 
As a Guide in Captain Hutchinson's Expedition. — Signs of Indian 
Hostilities in and about the Town. — Edmund Brown's Letter. — 
Night Attack on the Indians, and Death of Netus. 

Over the hillsides the wild knell is tolling, 
From their far hamlets the yeomanry come; 

As thro' the storm-clouds the thunder-burst rolling 
Circles the beat of the mustering drum. 

O. W. Holmes. 

The last quarter of the seventeenth century began dark 
and threatening to the colonists. A memorable Indian war 
was at hand, and gloomy and portentous was the outlook as 
the year 1675 set in. Sudbury, on account of its frontier 
position, was to be badly harassed by the enerr^; and per- 


haps no New England town became more prominent than 
this in the annals of that remarkable period. 

But, notwithstanding the prominence of Sudbury in this 
remarkable conflict, there is little information pertaining to 
it in the records of the town. This absence of information, 
however, is not very remarkable. The town books were for 
town business, and the military movements of that period 
largely related to the colony. The sources from which 
mainly we derive information are papers preserved in the 
State archives, historians of the period, and a valuable paper 
recently discovered among the old Court files. The paper 
last mentioned consists of a petition presented by the inhabi- 
tants of Sudbury to the General Court assembled Oct. 11, 
1676. This document settles the date of the Sudbury fight, 
and gives in detail some of the events connected with Philip's 
attack on the town. We shall refer to it as " The Old Peti- 

Before commencing the narrative of the war, we will con- 
sider briefly the cause and nature of it. This war originated 
with and was conducted by Philip, a Wampanoag chieftain. 
His aboriginal name was Metacomet, but he was called Philip 
by Governor Prince, because of his bravery. Philip was a 
son of Massasoit, a friend of the Pilgrims at Plymouth, and 
lived at Mount Hope, near Bristol, R.I., a place on the west 
side of Mount Hope Bay. The Indian name of the place was 
Pokanoket. Metacomet, unlike his father, distrusted the 
English. He feared the gradual encroachment upon his 
broad forests betokened no good ; and he sought to check 
the English advance and increase by a devastating war. To 
accomplish his object, he sought alliance with most of the 
tribes of New England, and so far succeeded that a large 
portion of them were engaged in the hostilities that followed. 
With his combination of tribes, Philip had the material to do 
great mischief. 

Probably of all the foes that New England ever encoun- 
tered, Philip of Pokanoket was most dreaded ; and this war 
was the most destructive of any Indian war waged for the 
same length of time in this country. Villages and hamlets 
faded before his savage force ; homes became smouldering 


ash-heaps; and lands, smiling in the sunlight of civilized life, 
were left forsaken and desolate, again to be draped in the old 
forest shade. 

Besides the usual ferocity expected in an Indian combatant, 
the peculiar characteristics of the time and place aggravated 
the unhappy situation of the settlers. The wild condition 
of the country, the isolation of dwellings, the slow commu- 
nication of place with place, — all these were circumstances 
suited to arouse feelings of distrust, and to stir the inhabi- 
tants to a state of alarm. They were subjected to constant 
expectation of sudden Indian attack. Any sign might fore- 
bode the approach of the foe, and send the people to the 
shelter of their friendly garrisons. The strange foot-print of 
a moccasin on the outskirts of an outlying field, the freshly 
made trail in the forest, the mysterious smoke rising above 
the distant woodlands, or the dull sound of a gun in the 
thicket, were omens mysterious and strange. Besides the 
arousing of apprehension by signs of a material character, 
the situation was such that the superstitious nature of the 
inhabitants was wrought upon to an unusual degree. It was 
thought there were mysterious prognostications of what was 
to come. Strange omens were supposed to be seen in the 
sky, and wild, rushing sounds heard over the tree-tops, 
which were considered ominous of evil. So marked, indeed, 
were these circumstances, that perhaps the impressions made 
were different from those of any other war in New Eng- 

Long after its devastations had ceased, the tale of Philip's 
raids was rehearsed by the farm-house fireside ; tradition 
passed the story of the times to posterity ; children received 
it from the lips of the parent who had heard, while within 
garrison walls, the wild whoop from the woods, or witnessed 
the skulk of the savage along forest, bramble, and rock. It 
was a wild, weird story to tell, and late listeners lingered 
about the bright hearthstone, and left with reluctance the 
warm kitchen precinct for the remote chamber beneath the 
old roof. 

For a better understanding of the particular relation of 
this war to Sudbury, we divide the subject thus : — 


First, the defensive condition of the town when the con- 
flict set in. 

Second, The part its citizens took in military operations 
outside the town limits. 

Third, the Indians' near approach, their repulse, and the 
death of Netus. 

Fourth, the attack on the town and the defense of the gar- 

Fifth, the contest at the causeway and old town bridge. 

Sixth, the battle at Green Hill, or the Sudbury fight. 


The principal means of defense in this war were the 
garrison-houses. These were not always under colonial 
authority, but were often private dwelling-places conven- 
iently located. They were sometimes a rendezvous for the 
town's militia in times of expected attack, and used occa- 
sionally to shelter colonial soldiers when sent to a belea- 
guered place. Some of these garrison-houses were built 
strong, for the purpose of defense, while others were built 
in the ordinary way, and fortified when the danger became 

Sudbury had several of these places of defense, a knowl- 
edge of which has come down to us, namely : The Brown 
Garrison, the Walker Garrison, the Goodenow Garrison, 
the Haynes Garrison, two others whose names are now 
unknown, and a block-house. Of these places we give the 
following information, derived from personal knowledge, rec- 
ord, and tradition : — 


This stood on the present estate of Luther Cutting, about 
a dozen rods southeasterly of his residence, or a few rods 
east of the Sudbury and Framingham road, and about a half 
mile from the town's southern boundary. It had a gable 
roof, was made of wood, and lined with brick. It was per- 
haps built by Major Thomas Brown, and was owned and 
occupied by the descendants of the Brown family till a mod- 


From an original painting by A. S. Hudson, from descriptions given by persons 

once familiar with it. 


ern date. It was demolished about thirty-five years ago, 
when in the possession of Mr. Conant. 


The Walker Garrison-house is in the west part of the 
town, a little south of the Massachusetts Central Railroad, 
on the Willard Walker estate. This building is a curious 
structure, with massive chimney, large rooms, and heavy 
frame-work. It is lined within the walls with upright plank 
fastened with wooden pins. It may have been erected by 
Thomas Walker, whose name, with others, is subscribed to 
"The Old Petition." 


This garrison stood a little southeasterly of the present 
Coolidge house, or a few rods northeast to east of the East 
Sudbury railroad station, and perhaps twenty or thirty rods 
from the South Sudbury and Way land highway. A lane 
formerly went from the road to a point near the garrison. 
This house was standing about three-quarters of a century 
ago. Tradition states, that an old building a few feet square 
stood by it, which was called " the old barrack," and was 
removed to the Farr Farm. An old inhabitant, — C. G. 
Cutler, — who had been to the house in his early life, 
informed the writer that there was no mistake about this 
being the Goodnow Garrison ; for years ago it was generally 
considered so by the community. 


This garrison stood on the Water-Row Road, by the mar- 
gin of the river meadow, a little northerly or northeasterly 
of the Luther Goodenow house. It was about an eighth 
of a mile from the Wayland and Sudbury Centre highway, 
two or three rods from the road, and fronted south. In later 
years it was painted red. In 1876 it was still standing, but 
has since been demolished. It is supposed to have been 
erected by Walter Haynes, and was probably the place 
which, in the early records of the town, was repeatedly 
referred to as "Mr. Haynes' old house." 


One of the buildings which common tradition says was a 
garrison, but whose name is unknown, stood near the Adam 
How place, about twenty-five rods northwest of the house. 
It was one story high, and had a room at each end. For a 
time it was owned and occupied by Abel Parmenter, and 
was torn down years ago. It is stated by tradition, that, 
when the Wayside Inn was built, the workmen repaired to 
this house at night for safety. 

The garrisons previously mentioned were named from their 
early occupants. Parmenter was the name of the first occu- 
pant of this house of whom we have any knowledge ; if he 
was the first, then doubtless this house was formerly known 
as the Parmenter Garrison. 

The other garrison, the name of which is unknown, was 
north of the Gulf Meadows, and on or near the present 
Dwier Farm (Bent place). Tradition concerning this one 
is less positive than concerning the other. An old inhabi- 
tant, once pointing towards the old Bent house, said, "There 
is where the people used to go when the Indians were about." 
It is quite evident that the Bent house was not a garrison, 
for that was built about a century ago ; but across the road 
southwesterly there are indications that some structure once 
stood, which may have been a garrison. 


The block-house stood in the north part of the town, on 
the Israel Haynes Farm. It was situated, perhaps, from 
thirty to fifty rods southwest of the house of Leander 
Haynes, on a slight rise of ground. It was small, perhaps 
fifteen feet square, more or less, and so strongly built that it 
was with difficulty taken to pieces. It was demolished about 
three-quarters of a century ago, when owned by Mr. Moses 
Haynes. Mr. Reuben Rice of Concord, a relative of Mr. 
Haynes, when over ninety years of age informed the writer 
that when it was torn down he chanced to be passing by, 
and looked for bullet-marks, and believed he found some. 
He stated there was no mistake about the house being used 
as a garrison. 


There may have been garrisons in town about which tra- 
dition is silent; and doubtless other dwellings were put in 
a defensive attitude when Indian hostilities began. It is 
stated that " many houses were fortified and garrisoned." 
On the east side we have heard of no garrisons, but Rev. 
Edmund Brown fortified his house. In a letter sent to the 
Governor, Sept. 26, 1675, he states as follows: " I have been 
at a round charge to fortify my house, and except finishing 
the two flankers and my gate have finished. Now without 
four hands I cannot well secure it, and if for want of hands 
I am beaten out, it will be very advantageous to the enemy, 
and a thorn to the town." The men asked for were granted 
him ; and his house afforded a place of defense to the inhabi- 
tants of that locality, who were directed to resort to it in 
time of peril. After the war began the meeting-house was 
made a place of security, and fortifications were constructed 
about it. 

Such were some of the means provided for protection in 
the coming conflict. These were the strongholds that stout 
hearts defended. In view of their service, it is unfortunate 
that these relics have to such an extent been destroyed. But, 
as we have stated, only one remains. With regard to the 
others, all that can now be done is carefully to mark the site 
and preserve the traditions concerning them. 


Beside the garrison-houses, the town had a small force of 
militia. Says "The Old Petition": "The strength of Our 
towne upon y e Enemy's approaching it, consisted of eighty 
fighting men." These men were able bodied and strong for 
the work of war, liable to do duty for either country or 
town ; while others, younger and less vigorous, could stand 
guard and do»some light service. When the war was fairly 
begun, the town's force was replenished by outside help. 
So that, with the people collected in garrisons, and the armed 
men able to fight in a sheltered place, a stout defense could 
be maintained against a considerably larger force. 



Beside the defensive measures adopted by the town, there 
were also others devised by the colony. The cause was a 
common one. If the frontier towns were left unprotected, 
the seaboard settlements would be rendered unsafe. Some 
of the defensive measures adopted by the colony, in which 
Sudbury shared, are set forth in the following papers : — 

Cambridge, 28: 1 mo. 1676. 
In obedience to an order of the Honorable Council, March, 1675-6, 
appointing us, whose names are underwritten, as a committee to consult 
the several towns of the county of Middlesex, with reference to the best 
means of the preservation of our out-towns, remote houses, and farms, 
for their security from the common enemy, we having sent to the several 
towns to send us their apprehensions by some one meet person of each 
to\vn, this day we consulted concerning the same, and have concluded 
to purpose as followeth. 

1. That the towns of Sudbury, Concord and Chelmsford be strength- 
ened with forty men apiece, which said men are to be improved in scout- 
ing between town and town', who are to be commanded by men of pru- 
dence, courage and interest in the said towns, and the parties in each 
town are to be ordered to keep together in some place commodious in 
said towns, and not in garrisoned houses ; and these men to be upon 
charge of- the country. 

2. That for the security of Billerica there be a garrison of a number 
competent at Weymessit, who may raise a thousand bushel of corn upon 
the lands of the Indians in that place, may be improved daily in scouting 
and ranging the woods between Weymessit and Andover, and on the 
west of Concord river on the east and north of Chelmsford, which will 
discover the enemy before he comes to the towns, and will prevent lurk- 
ing Indians about our towns. Also that they shall be in a readiness to 
succor any of these towns at any time when in distress; also shall be 
ready to join with others to follow the enemy upon a sudden after their 

3. That such towns as Lancaster, Groton, and Marlborough, that are 
forced to remove, and have not some advantage of settlement (peculiar) 
in the Bay, be ordered to settle at the frontier towns, , that remain, for 
their strengthening; and the people of the said towns to which they are 
appointed, are to see to their accommodation in the said towns. 

4. That the said towns have their own men returned that are abroad, 
and their men freed from impressment during their present state. 

5. That there be appointed a select number of persons in each town 
of Middlesex, who are, upon any information of the distress of any town, 



forthwith to repair to the relief thereof; and that such information may 
be seasonable, the towns are to dispatch posts, each town to the next, 
till notice be conveyed over the whole country, if need be. 

Your humble servants, 

Hugh Mason, 
Jonathan Danforth, 
Richard Lowdon. 

Another paper, setting forth suggestions for defensive 
measures, is the following: — 

For the better securing our frontier towns from the incursion of the 
enemy, it is ordered by this Court, and authority thereof, that in each 
and every of these towns hereinafter mentioned, respectively, shall be 
allowed for their defence a sutible numbers of soldiers, well armed and 
furnished with ammunition fit for service; the number or proportion in 
such towns to be as follows, viz. 









20 men. 
— men. 
30 men. 
15 men. 
10 men. 
20 men. 
20 men. 
30 men. 








15 men. 
20 men. 
20 men. 
20 men. 
10 men. 
20 men. 
20 men. 

And it is further ordered, that each and every of the towns above 
mentioned, shall well and sufficiently maintain their several proportions 
of men with suitable provisions, respecting diet, at their own proper cost 
and charge during the time of their service. 

These garrison soldiers, together with those who are to be in the 
prosecution of the enemy, are to be raised out of the four counties in 
which the garrisons are to be settled, and that these soldiers that are 
raised out of the garrison towns, shall be allowed them in part of the 
garrison, according as their proportion shall be, and that the settling 
of these garrisons in the respective towns, as to the place, and also the 
commander-in-chief, together with direction for the improvements of 
said garrisons to the best advantage for the security of towns and per- 
sons, it shall and is hereby left to the committee of militia in the several 
towns, who are hereby required and impowered to act therein according 
to this order. And this to be instead of a line of garrisons formerly 

The deputies have past this with reference to the consent of the 
honored magistrates hereto. William Torrky, Clerk. 


Still another paper, showing the country's alarming condi- 
tion, and the effort made by the colony to meet it, is the fol- 
lowing: It was ordered, May 3, that each of the frontier 
towns be "divided into so man}^ parties as a meete number 
may each day by turns be sent forth vpon the scout w th 
whom a party of Indians at the charge of the county shall be 
joined." (Colonial Records, Vol. V., p. 79.) These were 
to be managed by suitable commanders appointed by the 
military committee, and the soldiers who were absent " in 
service appertaining to sayed townes " were to be returned 
home and freed from the impress. In connection with said 
order, Sudbury was mentioned. Six others only were given. 
It was also ordered, at the same time, that when any town 
was assailed by the savages the chief commander, if present 
in any town, shall "send forth with what ayde can be spared 
with safety at home, for the security of the distressed." It 
was also ordered, — lest the frontier towns be endangered by 
persons leaving them in an exposed condition, — that no per- 
son "who is by law engaged to trayne, watch, ward or scout, 
is to leave the town he is an inhabitant of, without the con- 
sent of the committee of mellitie, or vpon their denial of the 
council of the commonwealth." Also, no party capable of 
doing garrison duty was to absent himself without the leave 
of the garrison commander. The Court also ordered, that 
soldiers should be employed daily "in scouting and warding, 
to prevent the skulking of the enemy about the sayd townes, 
and to give tymely notice of approaching danger, and also 
that the brush in highways and other places [judged neces- 
sary] be cut up;" "such persons, youth, &c." as were not in 
"traine bands, and exempt by law," were to be under obliga- 
tions " to attend command for that service." 

Thus the inhabitants of the frontier towns were to remain 
at their posts, and fight. If they fled to the forest, it was a 
lurking place for the foe ; if they ventured for security to the 
seaboard settlements, they were liable to seizure and exile. 
All they could do was to gird themselves for the contest, 
and, gathered about their cordon of garrisons, await the com- 
ing foe. 



The people did not have long to wait inactive about their 
garrisons ; for though at the beginning of the war the town 
of Sudbury was not attacked, as the Indians chiefly confined 
hostilities to the county of Plymouth, yet it was soon called 
upon to send aid to other places. Nov. 22, 1675, a warrant 
came from Major Willard to John Grout, Josiah Haynes and 
Edmund Goodnow, who called themselves the li humble ser- 
vants the militia of Sudbury," requiring the impressment of 
nine able men to the service of the country. They state to 
the Governor and Council that they have impressed the fol- 
lowing men, namely: William Wade, Samuel Bush, John 
White, Jr., Thomas Rutter, Peter Noyes, Jr., James Smith, 
Dennis Headly, Mathew Gibbs, Jr., and Daniel Harrington ; 
but that they wish to have them released. Joseph Graves, 
master of Harrington, states that his servant had not cloth- 
ing fit for the service; that he was well clothed when he was 
impressed before, but that he wore his clothes out in that 
service, and could not get his wages to bu} r more. The ser- 
vice that he was formerly impressed for was the guarding of 
families in " Natick Bounds." One of those families is sup- 
posed to be that of Thomas Eames, which was attacked by 
the Indians near the outbreak of the war. (See Chapter II.) 
A further reason for their release from this service is found 
in the following extracts from their petition : " Considering 
our condition as a frontier town, and several of our men 
being already in the service, our town being very much scat- 
tered ; " furthermore, that, several families being sickly, no 
use could be made of them for " watching, warding, scout- 
ing or impress, whereby the burden lies very hard on a few 

But, notwithstanding the imperiled condition of the peo- 
ple, we find that the town was represented a few weeks 
later in the "swamp fight," which was one of the hard- 
fought battles of the war. This conflict occurred Dec. 19, 
1675, in what is now Kingston, R. I. At this place the Nar- 
ragansett Indians had a stronghold that the English resolved 
to attack. For this purpose an expedition of one thousand 


men was fitted out from the united colonies of Massachusetts, 
Plymouth, and Connecticut, under command of Major Josiah 
Winslow, Governor of the Plymouth Colony. The march 
of the expedition was in winter, and heavy snows impeded 
the progress of the troops. The fort, for one built by 
Indians, was unusually strong. It was situated on a few 
acres of upland, in a swampy morass. The work was con- 
structed of pallisades, surmounted by brush work, and the 
way to it was by fallen trees, which could be protected by 
firing from a block-house. As the English charged over this 
bridge, they were swept by the fire of the foe in a murderous 
manner, and before the fight was over seventy of the English 
were slain, and one hundred and fifty were wounded, while 
the Narragansetts, it is supposed, lost about one thousand. 
Sudbury was represented in Captain Mosely's company 
which company, together with Captain Davenport's, it is 
said, led the van. Among the nine of Captain Mosely's 
men who were wounded was Richard Adams of Sudbur}\ 

Not only did Sudbury furnish its quota of militia, but it 
supplied farther aid to the colony by the services of Lieut. 
Ephraim Curtis, the famous guide and scout. Mr. Curtis 
was a carpenter by trade, and at this time about thirty-three 
years of age. He had an intimate acquaintance with the 
country and its native inhabitants, and could speak their 
language with fluency. One prominent service that he per- 
formed was in acting as a messenger of the colonial authori- 
ties to the Nipnet Indians, who inhabited western and cen- 
tral Massachusetts. Supposing that an alliance of those 
Indians with Philip had not already been made, or that, if 
made, it might be broken, the authorities selected Ephraim 
Curtis to go among them and make* overtures of peace. In 
giving information to the country of what had been done to 
avert the war, the authorities state as follows : " When our 
forces were sent out against Philip, We to satisfy and secure 
them, (the Nipnets), sent them, by Ephraim Curtis, a dec- 
laration with the public seal, that we had no design or intent 
to disturb them or any other Indians, that would remain in the 
plantation peaceable. Which message and messenger were 
rudely entertained by many of them there assembled, and the 


messenger much endangered by the younger men, and not 
with any satisfaction by the sachems, as the event showed." 
Lieutenant Curtis went on more than one expedition to the 
Nipnets. June 25, he was sent '"to make a perfect discovery 
of the motions of the Nipmug Indians." In a letter to the 
colonial authorities, dated July 4, he says that he delivered 
the letter to the committee at Brookfield, and from there 
went directly to the Indians, whom he found at the same 
place where he had met them before. The task undertaken 
by Curtis in carrying out his embassy was dangerous in the 
extreme, and his thrilling experiences as set forth in a letter 
addressed to the Governor and Council, July 16, show a 
sagacity and daring unsurpassed even in those heroic times. 
We will give this letter in substance, quoting verbatim as 
far as space will allow : " Whereas your Honors employed 
your servant to conduct and also to make a perfect discovery 
of the motions of the Nipmugs and western Indians, Your 
Honor may be pleased here to see my return and behaviour." 
After giving some incidents of the journey before he reached 
Brookfield, he goes on to say, that, entering the woods, they 
proceeded westward, till they discovered an Indian trail, 
which they followed many miles, till they came to " the low 
river by Springfield old road." He says, " Here we saw new 
footings of Indians, and so, looking out sharp, in about two 
miles riding we saw two Indians, which when I saw, I sent 
the Indians that were with me from Marlborow, to speak with 
them, but as soon as they had discovered us, they ran away 
from us, but with fast riding and calling, two of our Indians 
stopped one of them, the other ran away. We asked this 
Indian, where the other Indians were. He being surprised 
with fear, so he only told us that the Indians were but a 
little way from us. So then I sent the Marlborow Indians 
before, to tell them that the messenger of the Governor of 
the Massachusetts was coming with peaceable words, but 
when he came to them they would not believe him." Mr. 
Curtis describes their place of encampment as being an 
island, in area about four acres, encompassed by a broad, 
miry swamp. Before reaching the river there met them at 
least forty Indians, some with their guns on their shoulders, 


others with them in their hands ready cocked and primed ; 
and most of those next to the river presented at them. 
He addressed them in the name of the Governor, whom lie 
called his master, the Great Sachem of the Massachusetts, 
and required them to own their fidelity. He informed them 
that he came not to fight or to hurt them, hut as a messenger 
from the Governor. He states that there was a great uproar 
among them, and some would have him killed. Says he, 
" I requested their sachems to come over the river, hut they 
refused, saying that I must come over to them. My com- 
pany was something unwilling, for they thought themselves 
in very great danger where they were. I told them we 
had better never have seen them, than not to speak to the 
sachems, and if we ran from them in the time of this tumult 
they would shoot after us, and kill some of us. So with 
much difficulty we got over the river, and moist meadow, to 
the island where they stood to face us at our coming out 
of the mire, many Indians with their guns presented at us 
ready cocked and primed, so we rushed between them and 
called for their sachems. Still the uproar continued with 
such noise that the air rang. I required them to lay down 
their arms, and they commanded us to put up our arms 
first and come off our horses, which I refused to do. With 
much threatening and persuasion at last the uproar [ceased] . 
Many of them said they would neither believe me nor my 
master, without he would send them two or three bushels of 
powder. At length I spoke with their sachems which were 
five, and their other grandees, which I think were twelve 
more. Our Natic Indians seemed to be very industrious, all 
this time to still the tumult, and so persuade the Indians, 
and as I came to speak with the sachems we dismounted 
and put up our arms." Mr. Curtis says their number was 
about two hundred. (State Archives, Vol. LXVIL, p. 215.) 
Thus important and perilous was the work in which Curtis 
engaged for the colony; and that he was selected for the 
undertaking indicates the confidence of the authorities in 
both his courage and sagacity. It may be in connection with 
work among the Nipnets that the following order came to 
the constables of Sudbury, July 1G, directing them "to im- 


press two or three valuable horses with men and arms as 
Ephraim Curtis shall require." These were to be delivered 
to Curtis, and to accompany him, with two or three " able 
and confiding Indians which Captain Gookin will provide to 
go with him on the country's service." The order was to be 
carried out with all speed. If the carrying out of this order 
related to work among the Nipnets, then more than one Sud- 
bury citizen participated in it and encountered its perils. 

Still another service that was rendered by Curtis was in 
connection with the ill-fated expedition sent out under com- 
mand of Capt. Edward Hutchinson. July 27, 1675, Captain 
Hutchinson was ordered to take with him Capt. Thomas 
Wheeler of Concord, and a score or more of his troop of 
horse, Ephraim Curtis as a guide, and three Christian Indi- 
ans as interpreters, and forthwith to repair to the Nipmuck 
country, to ascertain the movements of the Indians. The 
company went from Cambridge to Sudbury, July 28, 1675, 
and August 1 they arrived at Brookfield. They there learned 
that the Indians were about ten miles away. Messengers 
were sent to inform them of the approach of the English 
with friendly intentions. An interview was had with the 
sachems, who promised to meet the English near Brook- 
field the next morning. At the appointed time the English 
repaired to the place agreed upon, but the Indians were not 
there. It was considered inexpedient to follow them fur- 
ther ; but, urged by the people of Brookfield, they pro- 
ceeded, contrary to the advice of their guides, several miles, 
to a place near a swamp, when they found themselves in an 
ambuscade. The Indians, consisting of two or three hun- 
dred, suddenly attacked the little company, killing eight and 
wounding three. Among the killed was Sydrack (or Shad- 
rack) Hapgood of Sudbury, and among the wounded were 
Captains Hutchinson and Wheeler. A retreat was at once 
made to Brookfield ; and, having reached there, the soldiers 
entered one of the strongest houses and prepared for defense. 
Ephraim Curtis and Henry Young from Concord were sent 
to acquaint the Council at Boston of their imperiled condi- 
tion. The brave emissaries started at once on their venture- 
some mission ; but the town was so beset with the savages 


that they were forced back to the garrison. Soon afterwards 
the house was assailed with great fury. Young, looking 
from the garret window, was shot and mortally wounded. 
The night that followed was terrible. The shot pelted on 
the walls like hail, and the Indians attempted to set the 
building on fire. The situation was critical, the ammunition 
was growing scant, and unless something was done to bring 
relief all would inevitably be killed or taken captive. The 
undertaking was extremely hazardous. To succeed required 
a man of great courage and endurance, with a sagacity suffi- 
cient to outmatch the foe. Few were fit for such a service, 
even if any could be found to serve. But the task was to 
fall upon some one, and the man selected was Ephraim Cur- 
tis. Again the bold adventurer set forth from the garrison, 
a lone soldier, to rely on his prowess and a protecting Provi- 
dence to shield him on his course. Captain Wheeler in his 
official report states of the affair as follows : " I spake to 
Ephraim Curtis to adventure forth again on that service, and 
to attempt it on foot as the way wherein was the most hope 
of getting away undiscovered. He readily assented, and 
accordingly went out; but there were so many Indians every 
where threatened, that he could not pass, without apparent 
hazard of life, so he came back again, but towards morning 
the said Ephraim adventured forth the 3d time, and was fain 
to creep on his hands and knees for some space of ground 
that he might not be discovered by the enemy, but through 
God's mercy he escaped their hands, and got safely to Marl- 
boro, though veiy much spent and ready to faint by reason 
of want of sleep before he went from us, and his sore travel 
night and day in that hot season till he got thither." On 
arriving at Marlboro he met Major Simon Willard and Capt. 
James Parker of Groton, with forty-six men, who were there 
to scout between Marlboro, Lancaster, and Groton. These, 
on receiving intelligence of affairs at Brookfield, hastened at 
once with relief. They arrived August 7, just in season to 
rescue the survivors. After this narration, it is unnecessary 
to speak of the bravery of this Sudbury scout, or the value 
of his services to the country. It was a forlorn hope upon 
which he went forth, and none better than he knew the haz- 


ardous nature of his task, or the sad consequences of capture. 
Many weary miles of travel lay between him and the sea- 
board settlements, but, tired and faint, he sped on his way 
till he had faithfully discharged his trust, and sent the res- 
cuers to his beleaguered comrades. 

But the time was near when Sudbury was to need all her 
resources for the defense of her own territory. The foe that 
hitherto largely operated in the county of Plymouth was 
soon to invade that of Middlesex, and make Sudbury the 
scene of most important events. The first approach of the 
Indians to the town and its vicinit}' with hostile intent was, 
we judge, in small bands, which ranged the forest in an inde- 
pendent way, or which acted as detachments to spy out the 
land. These scouting parties alarmed the inhabitants, who 
sent messages to the colonial authorities, with a statement of 
facts and request for relief. The indications are that the 
colonial authorities did not anticipate that great peril was so 
near. After the defeat of the Narragansetts in the swamp 
fight, it was supposed that the Indians were in a crippled 
condition, and that the devastating effect of that fight would 
tend to discourage and keep them in check. To so great an 
extent was a sense of security felt by the authorities, that in 
some cases soldiers were dismissed from the garrison-houses. 
Captain Brocklebank, who was stationed at Marlboro, asked 
to be dismissed from that place, stating that he had little to 
do. But the weakness of the enemy was evidently overesti- 
mated ; and it was not long before the frontier towns were 
made aware that a formidable foe was near. Feb. 23, 1G75, 
Hugh Clark stated to the Council, that he " being the last 
week upon the scout with Capt. Gibbs, about Lancaster, 
Concord and Sudbury, found several houses deserted, having 
corn in them, and cattle about them, belonging to the late 
inhabitants thereof, who for fear left their habitations." He 
states that they found at least about sixty bushels of corn in 
one house. And he assured the Council that " it would be 
of advantage to the Indians and straighten the English unless 
something is done to prevent it." 

The Rev. Edmund Brown, who, as we have before noticed, 
fortified his house, sent information to the authorities by 


Ensign Grout about the presence of a lurking enemy in Sud- 
bury. He says: " It is reported that our woods are pestered 
with Indians. One Adams within our bounds was shot at 
by a lurking Indian or more. He was shot through the 
coat and shirt near to the arm pit. One Smith walking the 
woods was assailed by 3 or 4 Indians, whom he discovered 
swooping down a hill toward him, but Smith saved himself 
by his legs. One Joseph Freeman coming up about 4 mile 
Brook discovered two Indians, one in the path presenting 
his gun at him in the way (in a bright moonlight night), but 
Freeman dismounting shot at him, and mounting rode for it. 
One Joseph [Shaley] coming home from Marlboro on Thurs- 
day last discovered Indians in our bounds, one of which made 
a shot at him, the bullet passing by him, but being mounted 
and riding for it he escaped. One Joseph Curtis, son to 
Ephraim Curtis on Saturday last heard 3 volleys of shot 
made by Indians between us and Weston. This being to 
long. Ensign Grout can give a full narrative to your Honor 
and Councill. The consideration of all which I hope will 
excite you : : : to order that these woods may be scoured 
and that our town of Sudbury a frontier town may be ena- 
bled to contribute aid therein and defend itself with its 
quantity of men, I humbly move. And this I shall [present] 
unto the Honorable Councill that we may not have men 
pressed out of our small town." Date, " Sudbury 26 th 7 th mo." 
In another letter dated " Sudbury 7 th of 12 th mo. 75," Mr. 
Brown refers to a late order of the authorities dismissing 
garrison soldiers, and requests that John Gleason, who had 
been impressed but returned in safety, might be at his dis- 
posal. He also speaks of Zenias Parmenter, whom they 
"were pleased to free from impress." He objected to 
having his guard dismissed, on any general order for the 
dismissal of garrisons, since he maintained it at his own 

Thus, towards the close of 1675, Sudbury and its vicinity 
felt a sense of insecurity, because of a lurking foe. The 
indications are, that before the Indians made an advance 
in great force they came in small detachments or bands, 
doing occasional mischief, and keeping the inhabitants in 


a state of suspense. No one was safe who went abroad 
unarmed ; and those living in the more exposed localities 
had even abandoned their homes. In the instance related 
by Hugh Clark, the flight was precipitous, the corn being 
left in the crib. But it was not long after these evidences 
of a mere scattered foe before there were indications that the 
town was to suffer a more general attack by a considerably 
increased force. In the towns beyond its western border 
more or less havoc had already been made, and one after 
another of them had already succumbed. Feb. 10, 1675, 
Lancaster suffered by the loss of fifty killed or taken cap- 
tive ; and the same month a requisition was made upon Con- 
cord and Sudbury requiring them "forthwith to impress 8 
carts in each town for the bringing down of goods of such 
persons of Lancaster as being bereaved by the late hand of 
God are disabled from continuing there." By March 13, 
Groton was made desolate, and forty dwellings were burned; 
and Marlboro alone remained between Sudbury and the vast 
wilderness that sheltered the foe. The first blow that fell 
on the town, that has been noted by historians of that day, 
was on the 10th of March, 167(3. Sajs Mather, " Mischief 
was done, and several lives were cut off by the Indians. An 
humbling Providence, inasmuch as man}' churches were this 
day fasting and praying." This attack on the town was evi- 
dently sufficient to put the people more on their guard, and 
the better prepared them to meet the great force which was to 
assail them in the following month. It was about three days 
before this attack of March 10 that Rev. Edmund Brown's 
letter was dated, in which he writes to the authorities, and 
mentions the " eminent danger yet remaining over our heads 
which occasions divers of our towns to make address for 
some grant and with good success." Eleven days after this 
attack, " at the motion and request of Ensign Grout of Sud- 
bury, on behalf of Lieut. Ephraim Curtis, it was ordered that 
the said Curtis, together with any other volunteers which 
shall join with him, shall march under his command into the 
woods, and endeavor to surprise, kill, or destroy, any of the 
Indians our enemies : : : and he may expect such encour- 
agement as the late order of the General Court directs." 



While the prospect was thus threatening, the design of 
the Indians for a season was effectually stayed, and a disas- 
trous invasion prevented, by a bold move made by the inhab- 
itants of the town. The event referred to occurred March 
27, 1676. A force of savages, near three hundred in num- 
ber, were within about a half mile of Sudbury's western 
boundary. The force was led by Netus, the Nipmuc cap- 
tain. (See Chapter II.) This band was intent on mischief. 
It was on the trail for prey. Flushed with the expectation 
of easy victory, they waited the dawn of day to begin their 
foul work, and seize such persons and spoil as were found 
outside the garrisons. On Sabbath night they made their 
encampment within half a mile of a garrison. Their mis- 
chievous course through the previous day had been so little 
opposed that they felt secure as if in a world of peace. But 
the English were on their track. 

Intelligence of their presence at Marlboro had reached 
Sudbury, and a movement was made to oppose them. A 
score of bold citizens set forth for the beleaguered place. 
On their arrival at Marlboro they were reinforced by twenty 
soldiers, who were taken from the garrisons, and the two 
forces went in search of the enemy. Before daybreak they 
discovered them asleep about their fires. The English, in 
night's stillness, crept close upon the camp. Wrapped in 
slumber, and unsuspicious of what was so near, the Indians 
were suddenly startled by a destructive volley from an unex- 
pected foe. The English took them by complete surprise. 
So effectually had they directed their fire that the Indians 
speedily fled. About thirty of their number were wounded, 
of whom it is said fourteen afterwards died. Not only were 
the Indians numerically weakened, but demoralized some- 
what by such a bold and unlooked-for assault. Probably 
this act saved Sudbury for a time. Netus was slain, and for 
near a month there was a cessation of hostilities within and 
about the town. 

As the importance of this event is considerable, and the 


evidence is quite clear concerning it, we will present the 
narrative as given by several authorities. Says Mather: 
" March 27 th some of the inhabitants of Sudbury being 
alarmed by what the Indians did yesterday to their neigh- 
bors in Malbury, apprehending that they might come upon 
the enemy unawares, in case they should march after them 
in the night time, they resolved to try what might be done, 
and that, not altogether without success, for toward the 
morning whilst it was yet dark, they discovered where the 
Indians lay by their fires. And such was their boldness, as 
that about 800 of them lay all night within half a mile of one 
of the garrison houses, in that town where they had done 
so much mischief the day before. Albeit the darkness was 
such as an English man could not be distinguished from 
an Indian ; yet ours being 40 in number discharged several 
times upon them, and (as Indians taken at that time do con- 
fess) God so disposed of the bullets that were shot at that 
time, that no less than thirty Indians were wounded, of 
whom there were 14 that died, several of which had been 
perpetrators in the late bloody tragedies. They fired hard 
upon the English, but neither killed nor wounded so much 
as one man in the skirmish." 

Captain Brocklebank, garrison commander at Marlboro, 
states thus in his report to the colonial authorities: "Sabbath 
day night there came about 20 men from Sudbury, and we 
out of the several garrisons drew 20 more, and in the night 
time they went out to see if they could discover the enemy 
and give them some check." He states, that " they found 
them by their fires, and fired on them, and they ran away ; 
but their number being few, and not knowing the number 
of the enemy, but apprehending by their noise and firing at 
them that the force of the enemy was considerable, they 
returned home without the loss of any men or wounds from 
the enemy, and only one man had his hand shattered by the 
breaking of a gun." 

Thus straightforward and plain are these authorities in 
their description of this nightly encounter. No better evi- 
dence could be desired than Captain Brocklebank's letter. 
From these narratives we are informed that the people of 


Sudbury formed this bold project ; that a score of her brave 
citizens went forth to stay the course of the Indian invaders ; 
that they went beyond the limits of Sudbury into a neigh- 
boring town that had already been attacked by the foe ; 
and that, upon receiving aid from a government official in 
command of the garrison, they made this successful assault. 
There is no evidence that when they started they had any 
assurance that reinforcements would be afforded them. They 
knew the enemy were in force at Marlboro, and courageously 
marched to check their advance. Whether the reinforce- 
ments that they received at Marlboro were citizens of that 
town, or some of the soldiers who were sent there b}' the 
government, we are not informed. We know that Captain 
Brocklebank was a government commander, and that a part 
of the Marlboro garrison were government men, some of 
whom subsequently accompanied Captain Brocklebank to 
the Sudbury fight. 

That Sudbury people in this affair acted not simply in 
their own defense is implied in "The Old Petition," in which 
it is stated that " the Indians in their disastrous invasions 
were resolved by our mine to revenge y e reliefe which our 
Sudbury volunteers approached to distressed Marlborough, 
in slaying many of y e enemy & repelling y e rest." 



Philip's War. — Indian Invasion; Date. — Number of the Enemy. — 
Philip's Preparation. — Indian Powwow. — Movements of the Eng- 
lish. — General Attack on the Town. — Assault on the Haynes Garri- 
son. — Hostilities on the East Side. — Resistance of the English. — 
Arrival of Reinforcements ; Concord Company, Watertown Company. 
— The Indians Driven Over the Causeway and Bridge. — Attempt 
to Reinforce Captain Wadsworth. — Description Given in'" The Old 

Up the hillside, down the glen, 
Rouse the sleeping citizen; 
Summon out the might of men! 
It is coming, — it is nigh ! 
Stand your homes and altars by; 
On your own free thresholds die. 


Having noticed the course of hostilities in and about 
Sudbury by scattered detachments and skulking squads of 
Indians, we will now consider a more prominent event of the 
war, — namely, the attack upon the town by King Philip^ 
with one of the most formidable forces that he ever led 
along the New England frontier. We have found no evi- 
dence that, up to April, 1676, Philip himself ever visited the 
place; but in the final assault the great chieftain directed his 
warriors in person. At the time of the invasion there was 
nothing west of Sudbury to obstruct his course. The last 
town was Marlboro, and this was devastated as by a close 
gleaner in the great field of war. The people had almost 
wholly abandoned the place ; the dwellings were reduced to 
ash-heaps, and a few soldiers only were quartered there to 
guard the road to Brookfield and the Connecticut. Sudbury 
at this time was the objective point of King Philip. That 



he had a special purpose in assailing the place, other than 
what led him to conduct the war elsewhere, is implied in 
" The Old Petition," in the words before quoted, where the 
object of revenge is mentioned. Certain it is, he had a 
strong force, and fought hard and long to destroy the place. 

date of philip's attack on the town. 

Before entering, however, on the details of the conflict, we 
will notice the time at which it occurred. Previous to the dis- 
covery of "The Old Petition," two dates had been assigned, 
namely, the 18th and the 21st of April. Various authorities 
were quoted in support of each. So important was the mat- 
ter considered, that a committee was appointed to examine 
evidence on the subject. The committee reported in favor 
of the 21st. (Report of Kidder and Underwood.) Notwith- 
standing this decision, opinions still differed ; but the dis- 
covery of " The Old Petition " has fully settled this matter, 
and established beyond question that the date of Philip's 
attack on the town and the garrisons, and the " Sudbury 
Fight," was the 21st. We can understand how, before the 
discovery of this paper, opinions might vary ; how an histo- 
rian might mistake as to a date, and a monument might per- 
petuate the error. When President Wads worth erected a 
slate-stone at the grave of Captain Wadsworth, the date in- 
scribed might have been taken from the historian Hubbard, 
who might have received it from an unreliable source. But 
we can hardly suppose that a mistake could occur in the paper 
above referred to concerning the date of this event. This 
paper is a calm, deliberate document, signed by inhabitants 
of Sudbury, and sent to the Colonial Court less than six 
months after the invasion by Philip. It gives the date of 
the invasion in the following words: "An Account of Losse 
Sustained by Severall Inhabitants of y e towne of Sudbury by 
y e Indian Enemy 21 st April 1676." 


Philip arrived with his force at Marlboro on or about the 
18th of April, and soon started for Sudbury. The number 
of his warriors has been variously estimated. In the " Old 


Indian Chronicle " it is given as " about a thousand strong." 
Gookin states, in his history of the Christian Indians, " that 
upon the 21 st of April about mid-day tidings came by many 
messengers that a great body of the enemy not less as was 
judged than fifteen hundred, for the enemy to make their 
force seem very large there were many women among them 
whom they had fitted with pieces of wood cut in the forms 
of guns, which these carried, and were placed in the centre, 
they had assaulted a place called Sudbury that morning, and 
set fire of sundry houses and barns of that town . . . giving 
an account that the people of the place were greatly dis- 
tressed and earnestly desired succor." 

Besides Gookin's statement as to the presence of squaws 
in the company, we have the authority of Mrs. Rowlandson, 
who mentions an Indian that went to the Sudbury fight 
accompanied by his squaw with her pappoose upon her back. 
Mrs. Rowlandson was the wife of Rev. Mr. Rowlandson of 
Lancaster, and was made captive in the attack on that town. 
She went with Philip to Sudbury, and became a witness to 
some of the sad scenes there, which were published in a book 
entitled " Mrs. Rowlandson's Removes." 

Other evidence of the size of Philip's force is found in the 
" Old Petition," which says, " Let ye Most High have ye 
high praise due unto him, but let not ye unworthy Instru- 
ments be forgotten. Was there with vs any towne so beset 
since ye ware begun, with twelve or fourteen hundred fight- 
ing men, warriors, sagamores, from all Parts with their men 
of Arms ? " 


Before the Indians went to Sudbury they made careful 
preparation. Says Mrs. Rowlandson, " They got a company 
together to pow-wow." The manner as she describes it is as 
follows : — 

There was one that kneeled upon a deer skin with a company round 
him in a ring, who kneeled striking upon the ground with their hands 
and with sticks, and muttering or humming with their mouths. Beside 
him who kneeled in the ring there also stood one with a gun in his hand. 
Then he on the deer skin made a speech, and all manifest an assent to 


it, and so they did many times together. Then they bid him with a gun, 
go out of the ring, which he did, but when he was out they called him in 
again, but he seemed to make a stand. Then they called the more ear- 
nestly till he turned again. Then they all sang. Then they gave him 
two guns, in each hand one, and so he on the deer skin began again, and 
at the end of every sentence in his speaking they all assented, and hum- 
ming or muttering with their mouths, and striking upon the ground with 
their hands. Then they bid him with the two guns go out of the ring 
again, which he did a little way. Then they called him again, but he 
made a stand. So they called him with greater earnestness. But he 
stood reeling and wavering as if he knew not whether he should stand or 
fall, or which way to go. Then they called him with exceeding great 
vehemence, all of them, one and another. After a little while he turned 
in, staggering as he went, with his arms stretched out, in each hand a 
gun. As soon as he came in they all sang, and rejoiced exceeding 
awhile, and then he upon the deer skin made another speech, unto which 
they all assented in a rejoicing manner, and so they ended their business 
and forthwith went to Sudbury fight. 

The foregoing statements plainly show that a large force 
was being led to Sudbury. The great chieftain doubtless felt 
sure of his prey. Mrs. Rowlandson says, " To my thinking 
they went without any scruple but that they should prosper 
and gain the victory." Philip was not aware of the strong 
reinforcements which were to be seut to the town's relief. 
The tramp of Wadsworth and his company had not as } r et 
reached his ears. For aught he knew, the forest resounded 
with only the tramp of his own stalwart men. 

But, while the Indians were preparing for the attack, the 
English were by no means idle. Things were fast being put 
in readiness to meet the worst. The blow received was to 
be returned, and the spoils of conquest were to be dearly 
obtained. Notwithstanding the customary cunning of the 
Indians, and their usual sly way, the attack in this instance 
was not an entire surprise. Their coming was announced by 
several acts of hostility on the day previous to the general 
assault. According to tradition, they began their marauding 
by burning several houses and killing several inhabitants. 
Among the slain were a Mr. Boone and son, and Mr. 
Thomas Plympton, who was endeavoring to conduct them, 
with some of their goods, to a place of safety. This skir- 
mishing on the outskirts put the people on their guard, and 


warned them to flee for their lives. It showed the hostile 
intent of the enemy, and the necessity of making haste if 
they would escape capture or death. Adequately to describe 
the state of affairs in Sudbury on the eve of this Indian inva- 
sion would be a difficult task. We may, however, conjec- 
ture that the scene was a thrilling one, and that it was a 
time of uncertainty and anxious suspense to the inhabitants. 
What had come upon others was about to come upon them. 
The dismal intelligence of disaster to far-off settlements was 
to be made more vivid by the same dread foe in their midst. 
It was their dwellings that were soon to be ash-heaps, their 
herds that were to be spoils of war, their fields that were to 
suffer invasion. The wild omens were to bring presaged 
wrath to their doors; and the warm homes once smiling with 
comfort were to be forsaken and left to the foe. With but 
a partial realization of what was to come, we may conclude 
that Sudbury was never before or since so astir. There 
were men struggling for life ; families hurrying together to 
the shelter of garrisons, with whatever of household goods 
they could snatch; loving ones bearing the feeble and sick in 
their arms, and all rushing to a place of safety. From hither 
and yon flocked the company. Again and again the latch- 
string was flung loose from the garrison, as one by one new 
arrivals came in. None knew when they abandoned their 
homes that they would see them again, nor that they them- 
selves would ever reach a safe place. The Indian invader 
was hard by their track. He might spring any moment upon 
them. Each object might be his place of concealment. He 
lurked by the woody wayside, he crept along the margin of 
the open lands ; and on the outskirt of the woodland he peered 
to get a sight at some late refugee whom he might bear away 
as his prey. 

Within the garrisons the scenes were also, doubtless, of a 
stirring character. These places were soon to be isolated. 
Communication with them was to be cut off. They were to 
be surrounded by a fierce horde of beleaguering savages ; 
and before help could arrive the doors might be battered by 
tomahawks, or the torch be applied to the wall. Anxiously 
might those who had entered these places watch and await 


coming events ; eagerly may they have looked to catch a 
glimpse of their belated townsmen who might be coming 
from the more exposed outskirts, or who, like the brave 
Thomas Plympton, had gone forth to bring to the garrison 
the dwellers on lonely homesteads. The sound of firing over 
the distant woodlands ; the smoke rising in clouds upon the 
far-off horizon ; occasional new arrivals from different locali- 
ties, bringing evidence of the near approach of the Indians, — 
all these would present a scene of a startling character ; and 
as the night shadows of April 20 crept about the lonely gar- 
risons, those within had no assurance but that it was as the 
darkness of the shadow of death. 

But, though the scene was thrilling and one of anxious sus- 
pense, it was nevertheless one of courage and hope. From 
what we know of the character of the Sudbury inhabitants, 
and of their conduct when the attack was begun, we con- 
clude that in those hours of ingathering there were hearts 
full of determination, and that plans were laid for a success- 
ful defense. Doubtless the ammunition was carefully looked 
to and put in a convenient place, the flints scraped, the 
priming-wire used, and every aperture in the garrison walls 
closed and secured, except such as were left to fire from. 

Beside the regular force of the town's militia who were to 
assist in defense of the garrisons, it is supposed some militia 
were present from other places. Some men from the force 
of Captain Brocklebank, the garrison commander at Marl- 
boro, are supposed to have been there. Of twelve soldiers 
who went from Rowley, and did service in Sudbury, seven 
returned to their homes.; and it is hardly supposable that so 
many should have escaped if in the Wadsworth fight. We 
presume, therefore, with the historian of Rowley, that they 
helped man these garrisons. 


During the night of the 20th of April, Philip advanced his 
forces, and took positions for the coming day. The Indians 
possessed such a knowledge of the country as enabled him 
to do this to advantage. Every path through the woodland 
had been trod by the moccasined foot ; every log crossing or 


rude bridge, from the Connecticut to the river at Sudbury, 
were on old and well-worn trails. Among the invaders were 
some who had lived thereabouts for years, or had ranged the 
forest for game, or frequented the Musquetahquid (Sudbury 
River) fur fish. From these Philip might obtain information 
of the country, and thus be enabled to lay his plans. This 
doubtless was what he did.- Probably every homestead, how- 
ever humble, was noted ; every highway guarded, and every 
wood-path carefully watched. No lone haystack in secluded 
meadow nook, no rude shelter for cattle, no rough shed for 
the sheep, escaped the vigilance of his roving marauders as 
in night's stillness they ranged through the town. As they 
reconnoitred about the garrisons, they doubtless noticed each 
object from which they could direct their fire, and each way 
of approach and retreat. 

Of the movements of the Indians the English probably 
knew but little as the night wore on. The soft tread of 
the moccasin, as the dusky squad stole silently about these 
strongholds, was too gentle for even the ears of such anxious 
listeners in the ominous stillness of that solitude. Even the 
slow-moving bush which may have hidden from view some 
adventurous savage, as he approached a little nearer to recon- 
noitre the place and discover its weak or strong points, though 
it aroused suspicion of a lurking foe, yet revealed nothing of 
his number or strength, nor of the squad in concealment 
near by, who awaited the whispered report of their comrade. 
No night-fires lit the heavens with their lurid glow, disclos- 
ing the foe's intent. His dark encampment w r as doubtless 
within the dense pines, where he lay on his evergreen couch 
until called forth by the signal of daybreak. The stillness 
of nature and of man were both there. It was the calm that 
foreboded a storm which was to burst upon man and his 
dwelling, the herd and its stall. 

But the silence soon broke. With the morning the mys- 
tery cleared. It was early discovered by the inhabitants 
that during the night-time the Indians had gotten possession 
of ever} r thing in the west part of the town but the garrisons, 
and that they had become so scattered about in squads, and 
had so occupied various localities, that at a given signal they 


could strike a concerted blow. Says the "Old Indian Chron- 
icle,^ "The houses were built very scatteringly, and the en- 
emy divided themselves into small parties, which executed 
their design of firing at once." The smoke of dwellings 
curled upward on the morning air, the warwhoop rang out 
from the forest, and from the town's westerly limit to the 
Waterto wn boundary the destructive work" was begun. Tt 
is said by tradition that the Indians even entered the Water- 
town territory, and set fire to a barn in what is now Weston. 

About the time of firing the deserted houses, the Indians 
made their attack on the garrisons. The detachments for 
this work were probablj r as specifically set apart as were 
those for burning the dwelling-places ; and doubtless hours 
before daybreak the foe lay concealed in their picked places 
ready to pour their shot on the wall. The attack on the 
Haynes house was of great severity. The position of the 
building favored the near and concealed approach of the 
enemy. The small hill at the north afforded a natural ram- 
part from which to direct his fire : behind it he could skulk 
to close range of the house, and drive his shot with terrible 
force on the walls. There is a tradition, that, by means of 
this hill, the Indians tried to set the building on fire. They 
filled a cart with flax, ignited, and started it down the 
hill towards the house ; but before it reached its destination 
it upset, and the building was saved. Tradition also states 
that near the house was a barn, which the Indians burned ; 
but that this proved advantageous to the inmates of the gar- 
rison, as it had afforded a shelter for the Indians to fire from. 
Probably this barn was burned with the expectation of set- 
ting fire to the house. 

But it was not long that the Indians were to fight at 
close range. The bold defenders soon sallied forth, and 
commenced aggressive warfare. They fell on the foe, 
forced them back, and drove them from their " skulking 
approaches." Could Philip have spared reinforcements at 
this critical time, he doubtless would have readily done so, 
rather than suffered defeat at this garrison. But his main 
force was lying in wait at Green Hill for Captain Wads- 
worth, other detachments were plundering on the east side, 

From original painting by A. S. Hudson. 


and some were besieging other garrisons. The force needed 
at different localities prevented a concentration at any one 
point. Thus the day was won at the Haynes house. In 
the skirmish the Indians suffered considerably, while the 
English lost but two, and that through their own indiscre- 

While the conflict was going on, the inmates of the garri- 
son showed stout hearts and commendable coolness and cour- 
age ; even the women manifested but little, if any, timidity. 
Perhaps they served in opening and closing the apertures 
to the garrison, when the musket was thrust out and with- 
drawn ; they ma} 7- have swabbed the foul guns, wiped the 
priming-pan, and scraped the flints ; they may have stood, 
powder-horn in hand, with the powder all poured for the 
charge, and the tow wadding all torn for the ramrod's ready 
work. Such was the work at the old Haynes Garrison, — 
the noble work of a noble company. 

The service at the other garrisons was probably all that 
was needed. That none of these houses were captured is 
enough to indicate a stout and manly defense. They were 
all coveted objects of the enemy, and plans for the capture 
of each had been carefully laid. That all the garrisons did 
both defensive and aggressive work is shown by " The Old 
Petition," which says, " Our Garrison men kept not within 
their Garrisons, but issued forth to fight y e Enemy within 
their skulking approaches." Thus manly was the defense of 
the garrisons during the long morning hours of that eventful 
day. From the dawning till noon the clouds gathered and 
broke over those frail, scattered fortresses. All about them 
was confusion and turmoil ; in various directions the dense 
smoke-cloud drooped its dismal drapery over smouldering 
homesteads ; and on the ears of the beleaguered inhabitants 
frequently broke the wild yell of the foe. But still they 
fought on, with none near to assist them. No drum-beat 
announced the approach of reinforcements. They might not 
have known that relief parties had started. The tramp of 
Wadsworth and his company, as they passed through to 
Marlboro the preceding night, might have been mistaken for 


the tramp of the foe ; and nothing, for aught they knew, 
awaited the garrisons but to win the victory alone. 


While the conflict was raging around the garrisons on 
the west side, there was by no means inactivity on the east 
side. The condition of things was critical there also ; the 
circumstances in the two places, however, were different. 
The east side was so protected by the high water, which at 
that time covered the meadows, that the savages would nat- 
urally be more cautious in their mode of attack ; with a 
crossing only at the town bridge and causeway, it would be 
unsafe to scatter their forces very much, or to venture far 
from the place of retreat ; nevertheless they invaded the ter- 
ritory, and commenced their mischievous work by plunder- 
ing dwelling-houses. They doubtless intended to take what 
spoils they could carry away, and then burn the place ; 
but they were effectually checked in their work. The in- 
habitants fell upon them with fury. They beat them from 
the very thresholds of their humble homes, and snatched 
the spoil from their savage clutch; they even forced them 
to retreat on the run, and seek safety in precipitous flight. 

During the progress of the conflict the women and chil- 
dren were probably at the stockade of Rev. Edmund Brown, 
at Timber Neck. This stockade was sufficient to shelter 
all in that neighborhood. It was admirably situated as a 
place of defense : being at the junction of Mill Brook 
and the river, at high water it had but two sides of attack, 
and the Indians could only reach it by a circuitous course. 
From these circumstances it is hardly probable that it would 
require many soldiers to man this stockade; hence more could 
be spared to defend their homes. But all that could be spared 
made a very small company at best. 

The entire defensive force of the town being but about 
eighty militia men, with a few added who had come from 
outside, we may conclude that the fighting was largely done 
by a few. Says " The Old Petition," "• The enemy was by 
few beaten out of houses which they had entered and by a 
few hands were forced to a running fight which way they 


could, y e spoil taken by them on y e East side of y e river was 
in great par te recovered." This gives an outline of the facts, 
which, like the rest of " The Petition," suggest various pos- 
sible and probable details of the conflict ; and the conjecture 
is by no means extravagant, that those morning hours on 
both sides of the river witnessed scenes of daring by those 
brave little companies unsurpassed in the annals of King 
Philip's War. 

Before leaving this part of the subject, we will quote from 
" The Old Petition," which to an extent has furnished the 
facts from which the foregiven description has been taken : 
" The Enemy well knowing Our grounds, passes, avenues, 
and situations, had near surrounded Our town ni y e morning 
early (Wee not knowing of it) till discovered by fireing sev- 
erall disserted houses ; the Enemy with greate force & fury 
assaulted Deacon Haines' house well fortified yet badly scit- 
uated as advantagous to y e Enemy's approach & dangerous 
to y e Repellant yet (by y e help of God) y e Garrison not 
onely defended y e place fro betweene five or six of y e clock 
in y e Morning, till about One in y e Afternoon but forced 
y e Enemy with considerable slaughter to draw off. Many 
Observables worthy of Record hapened in this assault, vizt : 
that noe man or woman seemed to be possessed with feare ; 
Our Garrisonmen kept not within their Garrisons, but issued 
forth to fight y e Enemy in their sculking approaches: We 
had but two of Our townes men slaine, & y l by indiscretion 
none wounded." 


While the town's inhabitants were defending the garri- 
sons, and at the same time endeavoring to prevent the sav- 
ages from further plundering their dwellings and making off 
with the spoils, reinforcements were approaching the town 
from several directions. Among the principles of action 
proposed by the authorities at the beginning of the war was, 
that one town should assist another with what men it could 
spare, on the giving of a general alarm ; so it was in the 
case before us. Intelligence of the enemy in the neighbor- 
hood of Sudbury spread rapidly to surrounding places, and 


men hastened from Concord and Watertown, and were sent 
by the colonial authorities from the vicinity of Boston. As 
each of these three reinforcements had a history of its own, 
we will describe them separately. 


This consisted of " twelve resolute young men," who 
endeavored to render assistance in the neighborhood of the 
Haynes Garrison-house. Before they had reached it, how- 
ever, and formed a junction with the citizens of the town, 
they met with a melancholy fate in the neighboring meadow. 
The account of the affair is thus given by Mr. Shattuck in 
the Concord history, which account, he states, is preserved 
by tradition : "Arriving near the garrison-house of Walter 
Haynes, they observed several squaws, who, as they drew 
near, danced, shouted, powwowed, and used every method 
to amuse and decoy them. Eleven of the English pursued 
and attacked them, but found themselves, too late, in an 
ambuscade, from which a large number of Indians rushed 
upon and attacked them with great fury. Notwithstanding 
they made a bold resistance, it was desperate, and ten of 
them were slain. The other escaped to the garrison, where 
the neighboring inhabitants had fled for security, which was 
bravely defended." 

Of those who were killed at this time belonging to Con- 
cord, Shattuck's history gives the following names : James 
Hosmer, Samuel Potter, John Barnes, Daniel Corny, and 
Joseph Buttrick. The Middlesex Probate Records have the 
following concerning James Hosmer, in connection with the 
settlement of his estate : " being slayne in the engagement 
with the Indians at Sudbury on the 21st of the second 
month [April] in the year 1676." In the Middlesex County 
Probate Records are also the following names of soldiers 
slain in Sudbury, April 21: David Curry and Josiah Wheeler 
of Concord, and William Haywood of Sudbury. Says the 
Old Indian Chronicle: "They were waylaid and eleven of 
them cut off." Says Hubbard of this affair : »« These men at 
the first hearing of the alarm, who unawares were surprised 
near a garrison-house, in hope of getting some advantage 


upon a small party of the enemy that presented themselves 
in a meadow. A great number of the Indians, who lay un- 
seen in the bushes, suddenly rose up and intercepting the 
passage to the garrison-house, killed and took them all." 

The men thus slain on the meadow were left where they 
fell until the following day, when the bodies were brought 
in boats to the foot of the old town bridge and buried. Two 
of the parties who helped perform the work of burial were 
Warren and Pierce of the Watertown company. The fol- 
lowing is their description of the scene, as given in a petition 
to the General Court: "On the next day in the morning, so 
soon as it was light, we went to look for the Concord men 
who were slain in the River meadow, and there we went in 
water up to our knees, where we found five, and we brought 
them in canoes and buried them there." The spot men- 
tioned here as the burial place is, we conjecture, on the 
northerly side of the town bridge, on the eastern bank of 
the river. This supposition is based on the fact that it was 
high water on the meadow at that time, and hence this place 
was probably the only one suitable for burial. A monument 
to this brave relief company would be very appropriate, and 
serve to mark a locality which on that day was full of stirring 


The reinforcements from Watertown were more fortunate 
than those from Concord, and were spared to assist in saving 
the town. This company was under the command of Capt. 
Hugh Mason, a bold and gallant commander. Captain Mason 
was of a committee of four appointed March 15 to provide 
for the defence of the frontier towns of Middlesex county. 
At the head of forty Watertown men he had marched pre- 
viously to the relief of Groton. He was now prompt to meet 
the foe at Sudbury, and, although seventy-five years old, he 
came in a timely manner. 

These reinforcements probably arrived some time before 
noon. As the attack began about daybreak, and took the 
inhabitants of Sudbury somewhat by surprise, it is hardly 
probable that the news would reach Watertown until the 


morning was well advanced. Watertown was the border 
town on the east. The part now Weston was called the 
"Farmers' Precinct." At this locality the sound of guns 
could without doubt be heard, and the smoke rising over 
the woods in dark ominous clouds might bespeak what was 
befalling the neighborhood. Moreover, the intelligence may 
have reached Watertown by couriers, who carried it to Bos- 
ton, arriving there about midday. 

When Captain Mason reached Sudbury, about two hun- 
dred Indians were on the east side the river engaged in mis- 
chievous work. The little company of town's people who 
could be spared from the stockade was too small to drive 
them back over the river. The best they could do was to 
keep them from too close range of their little stronghold, 
and save a part of their property and dwellings. But when 
these reinforcements arrived, the united forces compelled the 
foe to make a general retreat. Whereas, before the arrival 
of reinforcements, the Indians, as stated in "The Old Peti- 
tion," " were by few beaten out of houses which they had 
entered and were plundering, and by a few hands were 
forced to a running fight," they were now driven beyond 
the causeway and bridge. 

The contest that preceded this retreat of the savages was 
doubtless severe. Two hundred Indians were a force suffi- 
cient to offer stubborn resistance. They were near a large 
force held in reserve by King Philip on the west side of the 
river, and might at any time receive reinforcement from 
him : and if they could hold the causeway and bridge, the 
day might be won. On the other hand, the English had a 
vast deal at stake ; if the foe was forced over the stream, the 
east side would for a time be safe. They could defend the 
narrow causeway and bridge, while the high water would 
protect their flanks. Such were the circumstances that 
would cause each to make a hard fight. But the English 
prevailed. The foe was forced back, and the bridge and 
causeway were held, so that they could not repass them. 

But the English did not stop with this victory; though the 
day was won here, the contest still waged on the west side. 
From beyond Green Hill, about two miles westerly, came 


the sound of combat; and they knew that Captain Wads- 
worth and his company, who passed through Watertown on 
their way to Marlboro, were engaged in stern conflict. The 
scent of battle as it came borne on the April breeze, the dull 
sound of the distant firing, and the outlying detachments sent 
to keep reinforcements away, indicated that the contest at the 
hill was hot. But, undaunted, the English pushed forward. 
Beyond the bridge and the causeway, up the slope of the 
hill, perhaps by the Old Lancaster Road, they moved on to 
the work of rescue ; but they failed in the accomplishment 
of their object. The Indians were too many for that small 
company. Notwithstanding their courage, they had but lim- 
ited strength. The Indians endeavored to surround them, 
and being forced to retreat they sought refuge in the Good- 
now Garrison. There they remained until nightfall, when 
they again sallied forth ; but this time it was not to meet 
the enemy. The conflict was over. The disastrous day was 
done. Night covered as with a friendly mantle the terrible 
scene ; its shadows were unbroken by the flash of guns, and 
its stillness undisturbed by the rude sounds of war. The 
foe had retired, their victims lay dead where they fell, and a 
"few surviving comrades" were all they could bear with 
them to the east side settlement. 

Thus noble was the work of that company ; and the peril 
attendant upon the undertaking is indicative of the courage 
with which they entered upon it. Major Gookin, in his 
" History of the Christian Indians," states concerning this 
affair as follows : " Upon April 21, about midday, tidings 
came by many messengers that a great body of the enemy 
had assaulted a town called Sudbury that morning. Indeed 
(through God's favor) some small assistance was already 
sent from Watertown by Capt. Hugh Mason. These with 
some of the inhabitants joined and with some others that 
come in to their help, there was vigorous resistance made, 
and a check given to the enemy, so that those that were got- 
ten over the river were forced to retreat, and the body of 
the enemy were repulsed, that they could not pass the 
bridge, which pass the English kept." 

Says Warren and Pierce, who were of the Watertown 


company: "But we who were with them can more largely 
inform this Honored Council, that as it is said in the peti- 
tion that we drove two hundred Indians over the river, we 
followed the enemy over the river . . . and with some others 
joined and went to see if we could relieve Capt. Wadsworth 
upon the hill, and there we had a fight with the Indians, 
but they being so many of them, and we stayed so long, that 
we were almost encompassed by them, which caused us to 
retreat to Capt. Goodnow's Garrison, and there we stayed it 
being near night till it was dark." 

We have found no list of Watertown soldiers with the 
express statement that they served at Sudbury, but we give 
the following names of men who were impressed from that 
town in November, 1675, for the defense of the colony, and 
who were returned by Captain Mason as " rationally most 
fit to goe upon the servis " : " Daniell Warrin, Sr., John 
Bigulah, Sr., Nathaniel Hely, Joseph Tayntor, John Whit- 
ney, Sr.. George Harrington, William Hagar, Jr., John Park- 
hurst, Michael Flagg, Jacob Bullard, Isaac Learned, Joseph 
Waight, George Dill, William Pierce, Nathaniel Sangar, 
Moses Whitney, John Windam, Joseph Smith, Nathaniel 
Barsham, John Barnard." 



Philip's War. — The Sudbury Fight. — Number of Men in Captain 
Wadsworth's Company: The Arrival at Marlboro; The Return 
to Sudbury. — The Ambuscade : Place of It. — Philip's Plan of 
Attack. — Number of Indians. — The Battle. — The Forest Fire. — 
Retreat of the English. — Refuge in Hop Brook Mill. — Number 
of the English Slain. — Philip's Loss. — Treatment of Captives. — 
Rescue of the Survivors. — Burial of the Dead. — Place of Burial. — 
Biographical Sketches: Captain Wadsworth, Captain Brocklebank. — 
Roxbury Men. — Concord Men. — Marlboro Men. — The Christian 
Indians. — Movements of the English after the Battle. — Sudbury's 

Fast on the soldier's path 

Darken the waves of wrath ; 
Long have they gather'd, and loud shall they fall ; 

Red glares the musket's flash, 

Sharp rings the rifle's crash, 
Blazing and clanging from thicket and wall. 

O. W. Holmes. 

When the intelligence readied Boston that the Indians 
had invaded Marlboro, the Council sent to its relief a com- 
pany of soldiers under command of Capt. Samuel Wadsworth 
of Milton. The number in this company has been variously 
estimated. Mather sets it at seventy ; " The Old Indian 
Chronicle " says, " Wadsworth being designed of a hundred 
men, to repair to Marlboro, to strengthen the garrison and 
remove the goods." Hubbard says, " That resolute, stout 
hearted soldier, Capt. Wadsworth . . . being sent from 
Boston with fifty soldiers to relieve Marlboro." It is not 
remarkable that estimates should differ with regard to the 
number in this company, since all the men who accompanied 
Wadsworth from Boston were not in the engagement at 



Sudbur} r . When Captain Wadsworth reached Marlboro he 
exchanged a part of his younger men, who were wearied 
with the march, for some at the garrison, and accompanied 
by Captain Brocklebank, the garrison commander, started 
back to Sudbur}\ Lieutenant Jacobs, who commanded the 
garrison in the absence of Brocklebank, in reporting to the 
authorities in regard to the number of men left with him, 
states as follows: "There is remaining in our company forty- 
six, several whereof are young soldiers left here by Captain 
Wadsworth, being unable to march. But though he left a 
part of his men he took some from the garrison at Marlboro." 
From what we know of the fate of a large part of this com- 
pany, and the circumstances attendant upon the expedition, 
we conclude the number engaged in the Sudbury fight was 
not much over fifty. If twenty-nine men were found slain 
after the battle, and fourteen escaped, and about a half dozen 
were taken captive, the number would not be far from the 
foregoing estimate. 

Captain Wadsworth arrived at Marlboro some time during 
the night of the 20th. Upon ascertaining that the Indians 
had gone in the direction of Sudbury, he did not stop to 
take needed refreshment, but started upon the enemy's trail. 
Hubbard sa} r s, "Understanding the enemy had gone through 
the woods towards Sudbury, this unwearied company, before 
even they had taken any considerable rest, marched immedi- 
atelv back towards Sudbury [East Sudbury], that lies ten 
miles nearer Boston." Says Gookin (" History of Christian 
Indians"), "He [Wadsworth] understanding that the enemy 
had attacked Sudbury, took a ply of his men, about six files, 
and marched for their relief, with whom Capt. Broklebank, 
who kept guard at Marlboro went. Taking this opportunity 
as a good convoy, to speak with the council. Capt. Wads- 
worth being a valient and active man and being very desir- 
ous to rescue his friends at Sudbury, marched in the night 
with all the speed he could." Says Lieutenant Jacobs, in 
his official letter, of Wadsworth's departure, " Although he 
had marched all the day and the night before, and his men 
much wearied, yet he hastened back again, and was accom- 
panied by Capt. Broklebank, commander of the garrison of 


Marlboro with the small number he durst spare out of his 
garrison." (Date April 24, 1676. State Archives, Vol. 
LXVIII., p. 227.) 

The English encountered no Indians until they had gone 
some distance into Sudbury territory, when they came upon a 
small party, who fled at their approach. Captain Wads worth 
with his company pursued until they found themselves in an 
ambush, where the main body of Philip's force lay concealed. 


Before considering the battle which followed, we will give 
some description of the place where it occurred. This place 
was at what is now South Sudbury, a little northeasterly of 
the village, and on the westerly side of Green Hill. The 
ambush was probably laid near the foot of the hill, a few 
rods east of the place where Wadsworth was buried. At 
this point there was, until within a Very few years, an old 
path through the woods (see map), which we conjecture 
once led from the Hop Brook Mill to the Old Lancaster 
Road, and may have been the way travelled to that mill, and 
to the westward of it, before the construction of the new 
road that was built in 1659. This road, in our recollection, 
extended to the edge of the cleared land on the Joseph Rich- 
ardson farm (present Newton place), but since the clearing 
up of the woods in that locality it has almost or quite dis- 
appeared. We conjecture that at or along this path the 
battle began. This we think is indicated by several circum- 
stances . 

First, it was very near the spot where the slain soldiers 
were buried. The burial-place would naturally be not far 
from the greater number of the slain, or about midway of 
the battle-field, unless the nature of the ground was such as 
to make it inexpedient to dig the grave there. From the top 
of Green Hill to near the spot where the soldiers were buried 
is hard, rocky ground, while at the place of burial was easy 
digging; and, moreover, being of sandy soil, it may have been 
covered with but small, scanty shrubbery, and been a sunny 
spot in the woods quite suitable for the purpose. It is not 
therefore unlikely, if the main part or all of the slain were 


scattered from about the foot to the summit of the hill, that 
they were Carried to that spot for interment. 

Second, it was not far from the foot of the hill, which the 
English ascended as the battle advanced. The space fought 
over could not have been great, since every foot of it was 
hotly contested, and the engagement lasted but a few hours. 
The distance from the path at the foot of the hill to the 
summit, where the English made their stand, was about an 
eighth of a mile. Therefore we judge the battle began on 
or near the path. 

But the one thing which more than any other may indi- 
cate the place of ambush was the probable plan of King 
Philip. This plan was to intercept Captain Wadsworth 
before he could reach the east side, or get into the neigh- 
borhood of the Goodnow or Haynes Garrisons. To do this, 
he would naturally allow the English to pass on to Marlboro 
during the night undisturbed, and then conceal his force to 
intercept him on his return. The wily chieftain knew that 
his return was only a matter of time, and he hastened to 
get his ambush in readiness for him. But, to have the plan 
a success, it was all-important to choose the spot where 
Wadsworth would be most likely to pass. To the west- 
ward of Hop Brook it might be hard to determine what way 
the English would take. But it was probable they would so 
direct their course as to cross Hop Brook at the bridge, near 
Noyes' Mill (South Sudbury), since at that season of the 
year the stream might be swollen so as to make it difficult to 
pass it at any other place. At some point easterly of the 
bridge, then, the ambush would naturally be laid. 

But from Hop Brook to the east side, as before noticed, 
there were two ways : one, a part of the Old Lancaster Road 
north of Green Hill, connected with Hop Brook Mill by the 
wood-path before mentioned ; the other, the " new road," 
which went south of Green Hill. As it was uncertain which 
of these roads Wadsworth would take, Philip would natu- 
rally lay his ambuscade upon the path which we have con- 
jectured connected these two highways (see map) ; so that 
if Wadsworth went by way of the Lancaster Road he would 
fall into the ambush, and if he went by the south road Philip 

A ROCKY PLAIN. (Sudbury Center.) 

B NOYES'S MILL (So. Sudbury,) 

C WIGWAM HILL (Goodman's Hill.) 







J ROAD TO HOP BROOK MILL. Constructed 1659 

K OLD LANCASTER ROAD- Constructed I65« 










would lead him into the fatal path by decoys. This is what 
we suppose Philip did. He allowed Wadsworth to pass to 
Marlboro at night, then selected a place by this path in 
which to conceal his men. Wadsworth, all unsuspicious of 
his plan, had probably passed the Hop Brook Bridge, and 
was passing by the south road to East Sudbury, when the 
Indian decoys turned him from his course, and led him to 
the place of ambush. 

The following statements from several well-known authori- 
ties favor the foregoing suppositions. Says " The Old Indian 
Chronicle," " When they arrived within a mile and a half 
of Sudbury, the enemy having hid themselves behind the 
hills, sent forth two or three to cross the march of our forces, 
and being seen to counterfeit themselves affrighted and fly, 
whereby to trepan our men into their ambuscade, which mis- 
chievous plan succeeded according their to wishes." Hub- 
bard says, "Being come within a mile of the town, we espied 
a party of Indians not far from them, about a hundred, not 
more as they conceived. These they might easily deal with, 
who turning back awhile drew Capt. Wadsworth and his 
company above a mile into the woods." Says Gookin, "Be- 
ing spent and weary with travel and want of rest Capt. 
Wadsworth fell into the enemy's ambushment on the morn- 
ing, and the enemy being numerous encompassed him round." 

It is noticeable by these statements, that the distance that 
these men were decoyed is variously estimated at from a mile 
to a mile and a half. This does not exactly correspond with 
the distance between the supposed place of ambush and the 
aforesaid roads. But they may have been allured by a cir- 
cuitous course, or the distance mentioned by these authors 
may have been a loose estimate. It would not be strange if 
authors should be somewhat inexact on a point like this. It 
was an unfamiliar locality to them. If they received infor- 
mation from survivors of the fight, the place also was strange 
to them, and they might think the distance over which they 
were led by decoy to be greater than it in reality was ; and as 
in the case of the date of the fight, one historian might trans- 
mit another's mistake. If our conjectures, then, are correct, 
we think these soldiers were allured from some point on 


the road from Hop Brook to East Sudbury to a spot ne;ir 
the place of their burial. 


The force that lay in ambush is supposed to have been 
quite strong. Gookin speaks of " the enemy being numer- 
ous." "The Old Indian Chronicle " speaks of it as about a 
thousand. The latter estimate is probably not far from 
right. If two hundred Indians were engaged about the old. 
town bridge, and if Philip entered Sudbury with towards 
fifteen hundred, about one thousand may have been in am- 
bush. As the foe appeared, the English pursued, and fol- 
lowed hard as they withdrew. That they should do this 
unsuspicious of peril may be a matter of some surprise. 
Captain Wadsworth was not inexperienced in Indian war- 
fare ; before this he had been on their trail. When Lan- 
caster was assailed, he had gone to its relief. It might 
seem strange, then, that he should be led into ambush, 
when aware of Indian strategy, and accompanied by Cap- 
tain Brocklebank, who could advise him of King Philip's 

A little reflection, however, may diminish surprise. If 
one hundred Indians, as is stated by Hubbard, at once hove 
in sight, the English may have considered it King Philip's 
main force. These by their flight may have acted surprised. 
They were in the vicinity of the place whither, it is said, the 
Indians had gone. Wadsworth was not far from two of 
Sudbury's garrisons, and not far from the outskirts of the 
east side settlement. He may have heard the sound of guns 
in different directions, and especially the firing at the old 
town bridge ; this, perhaps, led him to suppose Philip's 
forces much scattered about, and that what he saw was the 
nucleus of his powerful host. It is not, then, very remark- 
able if he was thrown off his guard, and that he considered 
that but little caution was required. 

But the pursuit was fatal. The Indians retreated until 
the place of ambush was reached. Then suddenly the foe 
opened his fire from a chosen place of concealment, where 
each man had the opportunity of working to advantage. By 


these means the trap was sprung. Simultaneous with this 
sudden onslaught of the ambushed foe an attempt was made 
to surround the English. Mather says that, " a great body 
of the Indians surrounded them." Hubbard states, " On a 
sudden a great body of the enemy appeared. About five 
hundred as was thought compassed them around." This 
was shrewd on the part of Philip. The first move of the 
English would naturally be to regain the main path, and 
make for the highway so near at hand. A short run to the 
northerly would lead Wadsworth to the Old Lancaster Road, 
or a quick retreat southerly would soon bring him to the 
road from Hop Brook to East Sudbury ; while one of these 
ways would bring him to the town bridge and the old 
Haynes Garrison, and the other to the Goodnow Garrison. 
It might, then, be expected that Philip would cut off the 

But, though suddenly surrounded and beset on all sides, 
they maintained a most manly defense. It may be doubtful 
if there is its equal in the annals of the early Indian wars. 
From five hundred to one thousand savages, with Philip him- 
self to direct their manoeuvres, pouring their fire from every 
direction, and this against about four-score of English, hard 
marched, in an unfamiliar locality, could do deadly work. 
Yet there is no evidence of undue confusion among the ranks 
of the English. 

The sudden onslaught of the savages was attended, as 
usual, with shoutings and a horrible noise, -which but in- 
creased the threatening aspect, and tended to indicate that 
things were worse than they were. In spite of all this, 
the brave company maintained their position, and more than 
held their own. Says Mather, " They fought like men and 
more than so." Says "The Old Indian Chronicle," " Not at 
all dismayed by their numbers, nor dismal shouts and horrid 
yellings, ours made a most courageous resistance." Not only 
was the foe kept at bay, and the English force mainly kept 
compact, but a movement was made to obtain a better posi- 
tion ; hard by was the summit of Green Hill, and thither- 
ward, fighting, Wadsworth directed his course. This he 
reached, and for hours he fought that furious host, with such 


success that, it is said, he lost but five men. Says "The Old 
Indian Chronicle," " Having gained the top of the hill, they 
from thence gallantly defended themselves, with a loss of 
five men, near four hours." Hubbard informs us that " the 
Indians forced them to the top of an hill, where they made 
very stout resistance considerable while." Thus successfully 
was the battle waged by the English, despite circumstances 
and the strength of the foe. 


But a new element was to be introduced. The fight had 
doubtless been prolonged far beyond what Philip had at first 
supposed it would be. Desperate in his disappointment that 
the English had not surrendered, they again resort to strat- 
egy to accomplish their work. The day was almost done. 
Philip's force had been decimated by Wadsworth's stubborn 
defense. Darkness was soon to set in, and under its friendly 
concealment the English might make their escape. New 
means were to be employed, or the battle to the Indians 
was lost, and the fate of Philip's slain warriors would be un- 
avenged. Wadsworth might form a junction with the sol- 
diers at the east side of the town, or make his way to the 
Goodnow Garrison just beyond Green Hill. A crisis was at 
hand. Philip knew it, and made haste to meet it. The 
fight began with strategy, and he sought to close it with 
strategy. He set fire to the woods, the leaves of which at 
that season are sometimes exceedingly dry; and the flames, 
fiercely fanned in the April breeze, drove Wadsworth from 
his advantageous position. The English were forced to fly 
before the devouring element. Says " The Old Indian 
Chronicle," " The cowardly enemy disheartened by so many 
of their fellows slain in the first attack, not daring to ven- 
ture close upon them, yet that we may not think these bar- 
barians altogether unacquainted with strategem, nor so silly 
as to neglect any advantages, at last they set the woods on 
fire to the windward of our men, which by reason of the 
wind blowing very hard, and the grass being exceedingly 
dry, burnt with a terrible fierceness, and with the smoke and 
heat it was like to choke them, so that being no longer able 


at once to resist the approaching fire, and the cruel enemy, 
they are forced to quit that advantageous post in disorder." 
The historian Hubbard says nothing about the fire ; he states, 
however, " The night drawing on, and some of the English 
beginning to scatter from the rest, their fellows were forced 
to follow them so as the enenry taking the chase, pursued 
them on every side as they made too hasty a retreat." That 
Hubbard mentioned no fire may naturally occasion surprise; 
but the silence of one historian concerning an event should 
not invalidate the affirmation of it by another, especially 
since by a little reflection it may be a matter of surprise that 
the English should retreat in such haste without the menace 
of some new peril, when night's friendly help was so near. 
The statement then of one author, with no reason to doubt 
his veracity, but a strong presumption to confirm his words, 
may remove any doubts that might be suggested by the 
silence of others. 


With this new combination of forces pressing hard upon 
them, nothing was left but retreat. But the results of the 
retreat were disastrous and exceedingly sad. There is some- 
thing melancholy indeed attendant on that precipitous flight. 
For hours, shoulder to shoulder, those men had manfully 
stood. Inch by inch they had gained the hill-top. The 
wounded had likely been borne with them, and laid at 
their protectors' feet; and the brave company awaited night's 
friendly shades to bear them gently to a place of relief. But 
they were to leave them now in the hands of a foe less mer- 
ciful than the flames from which they had been forced to 
retire. Their defenders had fired their last shot that would 
keep the foe at bay, and in hot haste were to make a rush 
for the Hop Brook Mill. It was a race for life ; a gauntlet 
from which few would escape. 

Historians agree that the rout was complete. Hubbard 
mentions the too hasty retreat, " by which accident, being 
so much overpowered by the enemy's numbers, they were 
most of them lost." Says " The Old Indian Chronicle," 
" The Indians taking advantage of [the rout] came in upon 


them like so many tigers, and dulling their active swords 
with excessive numbers obtained the dishonor of a victory. 
Our two Captains after incomparable proof of their resolu- 
tion and galantry, being slain upon the place with most of 
their men." So closed the scene on Green Hill, as the fitful 
gleam of the forest conflagration lighted the night shadows 
and revealed the terrible work. 

The flight of the men to the mill was doubtless attended 
with fearful loss. It was situated at what now is South 
Sudbury village, on the site of the present Parmenter Mill. 
The distance from the top of Green Hill is from a quarter to 
half a mile. This distance was enough to make the slaughter 
great. A break in the ranks, and the foe could close in, and 
the tomahawk and war-club could do a terrible work. It 
is said that a small company broke away from the enemy. 
Says "The Old Indian Chronicle," "But those few that 
remained escaped to a mill which they defended until 
night." This statement indicates that the rout began before 
night, while Hubbard says "the night drawing on." This 
disparity of statement is slight. Each may mean the same 
thing, if the rout occurred about night, as it probably did. 
We would expect Philip's strategy to be employed before 
the day closed, as he wished to scatter the English before 
darkness afforded the means of escape. Gookin informs us 
that " Wadsworth's men were generally cut off, except a few 
who escaped to a mill which was fortified but the people 
were fled out of it, and the enemy knew not of their flight." 
Other authorities give different estimates. Hubbard states, 
"scarce twenty escaping in all." 

Thus closed that tragic day. The firing had ceased. Silence 
settled with the nightfall over that usually peaceful spot ; yet 
night's natural stillness was not undisturbed. The shouts 
of the captor as he exultingly looked over his fallen foe, the 
groans of the wounded white man and savage, the gathering 
of Philip's scattered forces, each to narrate the deeds of that 
eventful day, the blaze of the Indian's night-fire, and the 
strange forms that flitted to and fro, — all together might 
present a scene that was dismal, weird, and strange. 



As to the number of English slain, accounts somewhat 
differ. This is not strange, when men differ as to the num- 
ber engaged. Mather says " that about fifty of the men 
were slain that day." Gookin speaks of " thirty-two besides 
the two captains." Hubbard says, " So as another captain 
and his fifty perished that time of as brave soldiers as any 
who were ever emplo} r ed in the service." Lieut. Richard 
Jacobs of the garrison at Marlboro, in his letter to the 
Council, dated April 22, 1676 (Vol. LXVIIL, p. 223, State 
Archives), says, " This morning about sun two hours high 
ye enemy alarmed us by firing and shouting toward ye gov- 
ernment garrison house at Sudbury." He goes on to state 
that " soon after they gave a shout and came in great num- 
bers on Indian Hill, and one, as their accustomed manner is 
after a fight, began to signify to us how many were slain ; 
they whooped seventy four times which we hope was only to 
affright us, seeing we have had no intelligence of any such 
thing, yet we have reason to fear the worst, considering the 
numbers, which we apprehend to be five hundred at the 
most, others think a thousand." The Indians informed Mrs. 
Rowlandson that " they killed two captains and almost an 
hundred men." She states, "One Englishman they brought 
alive with them, and he said it was too true, for they had 
made sad work at Sudbury." 

Thus, according to the various accounts, by far the greater 
part were slain. There is one thing which goes to show, 
however, that Mather may not be far from correct, — that is 
the evidence of the exhumed remains. When the grave was 
opened a few years ago, parts of the skeletons of twenty-nine 
men were found. We can hardly suppose, however, that 
these were all the slain. Some who were wounded may 
have crawled away to die. Others, disabled, may have been 
borne from the spot by the foe; and in various ways the 
wounded may have been removed, to perish near or remote 
from the field of battle. 

According to the testimony of Mrs. Rowlandson, the bodies 
of the slain were plundered. She remarks, that, "after the 


master came home, he came to her and bid her make a shirt 
for his pappoose of a pillow-bier." She says also, "About 
that time there came an Indian to me and bid me come to 
his wigwam that night, and he would give me some pork 
and ground nuts. I did, and as I was eating, another Indian 
said to me, he seems to be your good friend, but he killed 
two Englishmen at Sudbury, and there lie the bloody clothes 
behind you, I looked behind me, and there I saw the bloody 
clothes behind me with bullet holes in them." No signs 
of equipments or attire were found in the grave when the 
remains were disinterred ; and it is probable that the slain 
were stripped by the savages, and the garments and equip- 
ments were carried away. 


As to the number of savages slain on that day, we can 
hardly expect to obtain any accurate knowledge. The 
Indians would intend to leave no traces of what havoc 
the English had made. They would likely care for their 
wounded, and remove or conceal their dead. Tradition 
states ("History of Framingham"), that one of the sons of 
Eames of Framingham was present as a captive at the attack 
on Sudbury, and he is said to have reported that the Indians 
suffered severely by the fire from the garrison ; and that an 
aged squaw lost six sons, all of whom were brave and distin- 
guished warriors. 

From all the circumstances, there is space for fair infer- 
ence that their loss was large. Wadsworth and Brocklebank 
were bold and sagacious men ; their soldiers were doubtless 
valiant to a great degree. During those hours of defensive 
work there is little doubt but the ranks of King Philip were 
greatly thinned. Encompassed as the English were by hun- 
dreds of combatants eager to rush in and close the contest 
with hatchet and club, it is safe to infer that only an effective 
and quickly repeated fire, such as would be deadly to many, 
would keep such a host at bay. The very fact that Philip 
by daybreak withdrew, after his destructive work at Green 
Hill, is a presumption that he was in a crippled state. With- 
out losses so severe as to make it utterly unwise to push on, 


flushed by Wadsworth's defeat, he would naturally move for- 
ward to destroy the east side settlement, and go with con- 
quering march toward the sea. But he retraced his steps 

A further evidence that the havoc in Philip's force was 
great, is the statement of Mrs. Rowlandson, " that they came 
home without that rejoicing and triumphing over their vic- 
tory which they were wont to show at other times ; but 
rather like clogs (as they say) which have lost their ears, 
yet I could not perceive that it was from their own loss of 
men. They said they lost not above five or six. And I 
missed none, except from one wigwam. When they went 
they acted as if the devil had told them that they should 
gain a victory, and now they acted as if the devil had told 
them they should have a fall. Whether it were so or no, I 
cannot tell, but so it quickly proved, for they quickly began 
to fall, and so they held on that summer till they came to 
utter ruin. They came home on a Sabbath day, and the 
powwow that kneeled upon the deerskin came home, I may 
say, without any abuse, as black as the devil." She further 
strtes that " it was their usual manner to remove when they 
had done any mischief, lest they should be found out ; and 
so they did at this time. We went about three or four 
miles, and there they built a great wigwam, big enough to 
hold one hundred Indians, which they did in preparation to 
a great day of dancing. They would now say among them- 
selves that the governor would be so angry for the loss at 
Sudbury that he would say no more about the captives." 

Hubbard says, "It was observed by some (at that time 
their prisoners, since released), that they seemed very pen- 
sive after they had come to ther quarters, showing no such 
signs of rejoicing as they were usually wont to do in like 
cases. Whether from the loss of some of their own com- 
pany in that day's enterprise (said to be an hundred and 
twenty) or whether it were the devil in whom they trusted, 
that deceived them, and to whom they paid their addresses 
the day before by sundry conjurations of their powwows, or 
whether it were by any dread that the Almighty sent upon 
their excreable Blasphemies which 'tis said they used in the 


torturing of some of their poor captives (bidding Jesus come 
and deliver them out of their hands from death if He could) 
we leave as uncertain, though some have so reported. Yet 
sure it is, that after this day they never prospered in any 
attempt they made against the English, but were continu- 
ally scattered and broken till they were in a manner all con- 

As ultimate authority in this, as in other matters, we 
refer to " The Old Petition," in which it is stated as fol- 
lows of the Indians slain : " Secondly, y e service pformed at 
Sudbury by y e help of y e Almighty whereby y e Enemy lost 
some say 100, some 105, some 120, and by that service much 
damage prevented from hapning to other places whereby y e 
Country in Generall was advantaged, reason requires some 
favorable considerations to y e servants of Sudbury. For if it 
be considered what it hath cost our Country in sending out 
some forces some of which p ties have not returned with 
y e certaine newes of such a number slaine as with us." 

These things indicate that Philip's loss was severe. He was 
stayed in his course ; he was unable to reinforce his outstand- 
ing detachments in their attempt to destroy the town, and he 
quickly made his retreat. Wadsworth did not die in vain. 
Not only did he help save the east side settlement, but, keep- 
ing the foe hotly engaged for hours, he crippled their force 
to such a degree that they abandoned their plans of conquest 
in that vicinity. 


But the sad story is not wholly told when we speak of the 
slain. The tragedy was not complete when the surviving 
few had left the field and taken refuge in the mill. Some 
were captured alive. These were subjected to such atrocious 
treatment as only a savage would be expected to give. Says 
Hubbard, " It is related by some that afterwards escaped 
how they cruelly tortured five or six of the English that 
night." Mather says, "They took five or six of the Eng- 
lish, and carried them away alive, but that night killed them 
in such a manner as none but savages would have done, . . . 
delighting to see the miserable torments of the wretched 
creatures. Thus are they the perfect children of the devil." 



The few English who escaped to the mill found it a place 
of safety. Says tradition, this was a fortified place, but it 
was then left in a defenceless condition. This latter fact the 
Indians were ignorant of, hence it was left unassailed. The 
escaped soldiers were rescued at night by Warren and Pierce, 
with some others, among whom was Captain Prentis, " who 
coming in the da} r hastily though somewhat to late to the 
relief of Capt. Wadsworth having not six troopers that were 
able to keep way with him fell into a pound or place near 
Sudbury town end, where all passages were stopped by the 
Indians." Captain Cowell also gave assistance, and thus 
these weary, war-worn men, the remnant of the gallant com- 
pany that fought on that memorable day, were conducted to 
a place of safety. 


The morning light of the 22d of April broke upon a sad 
scene in Sudbury. The noise of the battle had ceased, and 
the fires had faded away with the night-shadows. Philip 
had betaken himself from the field of his hard-earned and 
unfortunate victory, and nothing of life was left but the leaf- 
less woods, and these charred as if passed over by the shadow 
of death. It was a scene of loneliness and desolation. The 
dead, scalped and stripped, were left scattered as they fell ; 
while their victors by the sunrising were far on their way 
back over the track which the^ had made so desolate. This 
scene, however, was shortly to change. Warm hearts and 
stout hands were pushing their way to see what the case 
might demand, and if possible render relief. 

Before nightfall of the 21st, so far as we have learned, lit- 
tle, if any intelligence was received by the parties who had 
rushed to the rescue, of the true state of things about Green 
Hill. Wadsworth and Brocklebank were encompassed about 
by the foe, so that no communication could be conveyed to 
the English, who anxiously awaited tidings of their condi- 
tion. It was known at the easterly part of the town that 
hard fighting was in progress at or near Green Hill. The 


shouting, firing, and smoke betokened that a battle was in 
progress, but how it would terminate none could tell. After 
the Sudbury and Watertown men had driven the Indians 
over the river, they strove hard to reach the force on the 
hill. Says Warren and Pierce, in their petition : " We who 
were with them can more largely inform this Honored Coun- 
cil that as it is said in the petition, that we drove two hun- 
dred Indians over the river and with some others went to 
see if Ave could relieve Capt. Wadsworth upon the hill, and 
there we had a fight with the Indians, but they being so 
many of them, and we stayed so long that we were almost 
encompassed by them, which caused us to retreat to Capt. 
Goodnow's garrison house, and there we stayed it being near 
night till it was dark." 

But another force had also striven to reach the town, 
and join in the work of rescue. This was a company from 
Charlestown, commanded by Captain Hunting. Of this 
company, Gookin says (" History of Christian Indians ") : 
" On the 21 st of April, Capt. Hunting had drawn up and 
ready furnished his company of forty Indians at Charles- 
town. These had been ordered by the council to march to 
the Merrimac river near Chelmsford, and there to settle a 
garrison near the great fishing places where it was expected 
the enemy would come to get fish for their necessary food." 
But, says Gookin, " Behold God's thoughts are not as ours, 
nor His ways as ours, for just as these soldiers were ready to 
march upon the 21 st of April, about midday, tidings came by 
many messengers that a great body of the enemy . . . had 
assembled at a town called Sudbury that morning." He 
says " that just at the beginning of the lecture there, as soon 
as these tidings came, Major Gooken and Thomas Danforth, 
two of the magistrates who were there hearing the lecture 
sermon, being acquainted, he withdrew out of the meeting 
house, and immediately gave orders for a ply of horses belong- 
ing to Capt. Prentis's troop under conduct of Corporal Phipps, 
and the Indian company under Capt. Hunting, forthwith to 
march away for the relief of Sudbury; which order was ac- 
cordingly put into execution. Capt. Hunting with his Indian 
company being on foot, got not into Sudbury until a little 


within night. The enemy as is before [narrated] were all 
retreated unto the west side of the river of Sudbury, where 
also several English inhabited." 

But though the rescuing parties were either repulsed, or 
too late to render assistance at the fight, they were on hand 
to bury the dead. Says Warren and Pierce : " After hurry- 
ing the bodies of the Concord men at the bridge's foot, we 
joined ourselves to Capt. Hunting and as many others as 
we could prbcure, and went over the river to look for Capt. 
Wadsworth and Capt. Broklebank ; and we gathered them 
up and burried them." 

The manner in which this burial scene proceeded is nar- 
rated thus by Mr. Gookin ("History of Christian Indians"): 
" Upon the 22 nd of April early in the morning over forty In- 
dians having stripped themselves and painted their faces like 
to the enemy, they passed over the bridge to the west side 
of the river without any Englishmen in the company, to 
make discovery of the enemy (which was generally con- 
ceded quartered thereabout), but this did not at all discour- 
age our Christian Indians from marching and discovering, 
and if they had met with them to beat up their quarters. 
Bat God had so ordered that the enemy were all withdrawn 
and were retreated in the night. Our Indian soldiers having 
made a thourough discovery and to their great relief (for 
some of them wept when they saw so many English lie dead 
on the place among the slain), some they knew, viz, those 
two worthy and pious Captains, Capt. Broklebank of Rowley 
and Capt. Wadsworth of Milton, who with about thirty two 
private soldiers were slain the day before. ... As soon as 
they had made a full discovery, [they] returned to their 
Captains and the rest of the English, and gave them an 
account of their motions. Then it was concluded to march 
over to the place and bury the dead, and the}' did so. 
Shortly after, our Indians marching in two files upon the 
wings to secure those that went to bury the dead, God so 
ordered it that they met with no interruption in that work." 

Thus were the slain soldiers buried on that April morning, 
in the stillness of the forest, far away from their kindred, 
friends, and homes. Those, who through inability had 


failed to defend them in the day of battle, now tenderly 
took them to their last long resting-place. A single grave 
contained them. Though scattered, they were borne to one 
common place of burial, and a rough heap of stones was all 
that marked that lone forest grave. Such was that soldiers' 
sepulchre, a mound in the woods, left to grow gray with the 
clustering moss of years, yet marking in its rustic simplicity 
one of the noblest and most heroic events known in the 
annals of King Philip's War. They sleep — 

" While the bells of autumn toll, 
Or the murmuring song of spring flits by, 
Till the crackling heavens in thunder roll, 
To the bugle-blast on high." 


The grave was made on the westerly side of Green Hill, 
near its base, and was in the northeast corner of the South 
Sudbury cemetery before its recent enlargement. In our 
recollection, the grave was marked by a rude stone-heap, at 
the head of which was a plain slate-stone slab. The heap 
was made of common loose stones such as a man could easily 
lift, and was probably placed there when the grave was 
made. It was perhaps three or four feet high, and a dozen 
feet wide at the base. The slab was erected about 1730 by 
President Wadsworth of Harvard College, son of Captain 
Wadsworth. As we remember the spot, it was "barren and 
briar-grown ; loose stones, fallen from the top and sides of 
the mound, were half concealed in the wild wood grass that 
grew in tufts about it. It remained in this condition for 
years, and the villagers from time to time visited it as a place 
of interest. 

In the year 1851 the town agitated the matter of erecting 
a monument, and the Legislature was petitioned for aid, 
which was granted. But the monument does not mark the 
original grave. The committee who had the matter in charge 
located it about fifty feet to the north. The old grave was 
at, or about the turn of the present avenue or path, at the 
northeast corner of the Adam Smith family lot, in the pres- 


So. Sudbury 

From an original painting by A. S. Hudson. 


ent Wadsworth Cemetery. After it was decided to erect 
the monument in its present position, the remains of the 
soldiers were removed. The grave was opened without 
ceremony in the presence of a small company of villagers. 
It was the writer's privilege to be one of the number, and 
according to our recollection the grave was about six feet 
square, in which the bodies were placed in tiers at right 
angles to each other. Some of the skeletons were large, and 
all well preserved. 

In connection with the events just described, we will give 
a few facts concerning some of the men engaged in them. 


Capt. Samuel Wadsworth was the son of Christopher and 
Grace Wadsworth of Duxbury. He was supposed to be 
their oldest child. It is stated that when he died he was 
forty-six years old, but this is uncertain. He married Abi- 
gail Lindall of Duxbury, and owned lands at one time in 
Bridgewater, which were a part of a grant to his father. 
These lands comprised one sixty-fourth part of Bridgewater 
when it included most of Hanson and Abington. In 1685 
Captain Wads worth's share is entered upon the Bridgewater 
records under the name of Widow Wadsworth. About 1660 
Captain Wadsworth bought several hundred acres of land in 
Milton. A part of this estate was retained in the family to 
the eighth generation. His family consisted of six boys and 
one girl. His wife lived on the homestead many years after 
his death. Captain Wadsworth was an influential citizen, 
and took an active part in affairs both political and religious. 
At the time of Philip's War he was a captain in the militia 
of Milton. He was considered " a resolute, stout-hearted 
soldier," and " one worthy to live in our history under the 
name of a good man." (Genealogy of the Wadsworth 
Family) . 


Capt. Samuel Brocklebank was a citizen of Rowley, Mass. 
He was born in England about 16o0. A few years after his 
arrival in this country, his mother, who was a widow, came 


over, accompanied by two children. Samuel Brocklebank 
shortly after becoming of age was chosen a selectman, and 
continued to hold important town offices until his death. 
He became a deacon of the church Feb. 18, 1665. In 1673 
the Council appointed him captain of militia, and after the 
breaking out of Philip's War he was stationed at a govern- 
ment garrison at Marlboro, where he had command of some 
colonial soldiers, and from which place he went with Captain 
Wadsworth to Sudbury. At the time of his death he was 
about forty-six years old. He left a widow and six children, 
Samuel, Hannah, Mary, Elizabeth, Sarah, and Joseph. Cap- 
tain Brocklebank was an estimable citizen, a brave soldier, 
and a fit associate of Captain Wadsworth in his perilous 

Lieutenant Sharp of Brookline and Lieut. Samuel Gardiner 
of Roxbury were, it is stated, brave and efficient men. And 
all the soldiers who were slain on that disastrous occasion 
were, we are informed, as brave soldiers as any who were 
engaged in the service at that time. 


The following is a list of the Roxbury men who were of 
Captain Wadsworth's company, and killed at the Sudbury 
fight : Thomas Baker, Jr., John Roberts. Jr., Nathaniel 
Seaver [or Leason], Thomas Hawley [or Romley], Sr., 
William Cleaves, Joseph Pepper, John Sharpe, Thomas 
Hopkins, Samuel Gardner. 


John Barnes lived in Concord in 1661, and married Eliza- 
beth Hunt in 1664. 

Joseph Buttrick was a son of William Buttrick, who came 
to New England in 1635, and died in 1698, aged eighty-two. 
His second wife was Jane Goodnow of Sudbury. 

James Hosmer was the oldest son of James, who came to 
Concord among the first settlers, and died in 1685. James, 
the son, married Sarah White in 1658. His widow married 
Samuel Rice. 


Samuel Potter was son of Luke Potter, one of the first set- 
tlers at Concord and deacon of the church there. Samuel 
married Sarah Wright in 1675. 


In Hudson's " History of Marlboro " it is stated that the 
records of that town give the names of John Howe, Henry 
Axtel, and Eleazer Ward as being slain by the Indians in 
Sudbury; but whether in the Sudbury fight with Wads- 
worth, or not, is not known. 

John How was a son of John How, one of the petitioners 
for the Marlboro Plantation. He was born in 1G40, proba- 
bly in Sudbury, and married in 1662. 

Henry Axtel was one of the proprierors of Marlboro at 
the time of its incorporation, and drew his land in the first 
division. He married in 1665, and was slain by the Indians 
between Sudbury and Marlboro, April 20, 1676. 

Eleazer Ward was born near 1649, married Hannah Rice, 
lived in Sudbury, and was killed by the Indians upon the 
highway between Sudbury and Marlboro, April 20, 1676. 


In connection with what has been said of the English who 
were in this battle, we will give a few facts concerning the 
Indians who came to the rescue under Captain Hunting. 
These were a detachment of the Christian Indians who had 
been placed on Deer Island by the colonial authorities, after 
the outbreak of the war. Years before, they had been gath- 
ered by Rev. John Eliot into several villages, where they 
lived peaceably among themselves, and on friendly relations 
with the whites. Their character and conduct was such as 
showed the civilizing influence of Christianity, and the power 
of the gospel to uplift and bless their race. But a few acts 
by a few recreant and unfaithful ones aroused the suspicion 
of the English against them all, so that, instead of allowing 
them to be their allies, they exiled them to an island in Bos- 
ton harbor. But as the war progressed, their assistance was 
needed ; and at the request of Mr. Eliot and General Gookin, 
the Governor and Council allowed a detachment to be placed 


under the command of Captain Hunting, and sent at once to 
Sudbury. In this service they showed their bravery and 
faithful attachment to the English. When they crossed the 
river, to discover the enemy's movements on the west side, 
thej T knew not but what Philip was in ambush for further 
prey, but they moved forward, and went beyond Green Hill ; 
and when in the solitude of the forest they beheld those 
prostrate forms, their stern spirits were melted, and it is said, 
they wept. 


The dead having been buried, the English repaired, ac- 
cording to Warren and Pierce, to Nobscot to bring the carts 
into "Sudbury towne." These carts are probably the same 
as those mentioned by Gookin, when he says, " At the 
same time [that is, at the time the survivors of this fight 
were secreted in Noyes's Mill] Captain Cutler of Charles- 
town, with a small company," — according to Hubbard, 
eleven, — '"having the convoy of some carts from Marl- 
boro that were coming to Sudbury, having secured his car- 
riage at a garrison house, escaped narrowly being cut off by 
the enemy." The same author goes on to state, that the 
enemy " at that time cut off some English soldiers that were 
coming down under the conduct of one Cowell of Boston, 
that had been a convoy to some provisions at Quaborg 
Fort." Other soldiers were soon on the march to the 
spot, the country having been aroused by this disaster to 

On April 22, lb'76, it was ordered by the Council, " that 
the majors of Suffolk and Middlesex issue out their orders, 
Maj. Thomas Clark to the Captain of the troop of Suffolk, 
to raise forty of his troops, well attended, and completely 
armed with fire arms, and furnished with ammunition, under 
the conduct of Cornet Eliot, [and] such officers as he shall 
choose to accompany him, forthwith to visit Dedham, Med- 
field, and so to Sudbury ; and Major Daniel Gookin to issue 
out by order a like number of troops out of Middlesex troops, 
under the conduct of Thomas Prentis, or such as he shall 
choose, to visit Concord, Sudbury, and so to Medfield." 


The order to Cornet Eliot was, " You are ordered and 
requested to take forty of the troop, and so many as you 
can suddenly raise, and march with them into Sudbury, and 
inquire of their present distressed condition, and of the inter- 
ring of the dead bodies, as also of the enemy's motion, and 
place of their rendezvous, and if you have opportunity you 
are to distress, kill, and destroy the enemy to the uttermost, 
taking good heed lest, through any neglect, or too much 
adventurness, you hazard the lives of the men by their sud- 
den surprisal of you. You are also to visit Medfield, and 
make report of what you find to the Council, and in so doing 
this shall be your warrant." 

Thus, after this disastrous battle, the English were on 
the move ; but the Indians had departed westward. As we 
have noticed by the letter of Lieutenant Jacobs, they passed 
through Marlboro on the morning of the 22d, when the 
sun was about two hours high. This was Philip's westward 
retreat. He never retraced his footsteps. Sudbury was the 
last eastward town in his march. As a conqueror he could 
go no farther. On April 21 his sun had reached its merid- 
ian; on the 22d it turned towards its setting. His host was 
broken ; the ranks of his warriors began to thin ; and when 
he returned to his home at Mount Hope, it was to be hunted 
and harassed ; and Aug. 12, 1676, he fell by the hand of one 
of his race. 

sudbury's loss. 

The war with King Philip left the town in a weakened 
condition. Even had the people sustained but little direct 
loss, their prosperity would naturally have been checked by 
the imperiled state of the community; but the actual loss to 
the people in property was considerable, as is indicated by 
various petitions, in which they set forth their circumstances. 
In 1677, some inhabitants of Marlboro, Lancaster, and Sud- 
bury sent a petition to the Court, asking that a certain tract 
of land lying about Marlboro, called by the Indians Whip- 
suffrage and Ocogooganset, might be given them. The rea- 
son of this request was, as they say, " Because many of 
which Indians in our late war have proved very perfidious 


and combine with the common enemy," and because we hav- 
ing been "upon ye Country's service, and hazarded our lives 
against ye common enemy, have suffered much damage bv 
being driven from our habitation, and some of our habita- 
tions burnt." (State Archives, Vol. XXX., p. 240.) 

But we are not left to general statement of the material 
loss sustained, for the specific damage to each individual's 
property is given in "The Old Petition." The first part of 
the petition, together with a list of the losses, which we give 
here verbatim, is as follows : — 

To ye Honb'e ye Governor Magistrates & Deputies of y e Gen' Court 
assembled at Boston y e ll'h Octob r 1676. 

The humble Petition of yor poore, distressed Inhabitants of Sudbury 
Humb'y Showeth. 

That whereas yo r impoverished Petition" of Sudbury have received 
intelligence of a large contribution sent out of Ireland by some pious & 
well affected p sons for ye reliefe of their brethren in New England by y e 
hostile intrusions of ye Indian Enemy, and that upon this divers dis- 
tressed towns have presented a list of their losses sustained by fireing 
and plundering their estates. Let it not seem presumption in yo r poore 
Petition 1 " 3 to p'sent a list of what Damages are sustained by yo r enemies 
in his attempts ; hoping that o r lott will be considered among Our breth- 
ren of ye tribe of Joseph ; being encouraged by an act of Our Honbie 
Genii Court ; that those who have Sustained considerable damage should 
make addresses to this p r sent session. 

An Accompt of Losse Sustenied by Severall Inhabitants of y e towne 
of Sudbury by y e Indian Enemy ye 21st Aprill 1676. 




Mary Bacon formerly ye Relict of 

Ensign Noyes 

140 : 



Thomas Plimpton 




Deacon John Haines 

180 : 



Seg Josiah Haines 




Cap 1 James Pendleton 

060 : 



John Goodenow 




William Moores 




Edward Wright 




Elias Keyes 




John Smith 




Samuell How 




Mr Pelham 




Mr. Stevens 




Corporall Henry Rice 




John Allen 




James Roose 





John Grout jun-" 060 : 00 : 00 

Thomas Rice 100 : 00 : 00 

Widd Whale 024 : 00 : 00 

Henry Curtice 200 : 00 : 00 

John Brewer 120 : 00 : 00 

Jacob Moores 050 : 00 : 00 

Henry Loker 100 : 00 : 00 

Joseph ffreemon 080 : 00 : 00 

Joseph Graves 060 : 00 : 00 

Peter King 040 : 00 : 00 

Widd Habgood 020 : 00 : 00 

Benjamin Crane 020 : 00 : 00 

Jhomas wedge 015 : 00 : 00 

John Blanford 010 : 00 : 00 

Thomas Brewer 010 : 00 : 00 

Richard Burk 010 : 00 : 00 

Thomas Reade 003 : 00 : oo 

Wholl Sum 2707 : 00 : 00 

Beside y e uncovering y e Many houses & Barnes & some hundred of 
Acres of lands which are unimproved for feare of y e Enemy to Our 
greate loss & Damage — (Signed) 

' Edm Browne Joseph [ ] 

Edm Goodnow Peter Noyes 

John Grout Jonathan Stanhope 

John Haines Edward wright 

Josiah Haines Jabeth Browne 

Thomas Read John Grout jun r 

Peter King Joseph Graves 

John Ruter sen r Tho Walker 

Joseph Noyes John Blanford 

John Goodnow John Allen 

Mathew Gibs Henry Curtis 

Thomas wedge Jacob Moores 

Benjamin Crane John Brewer 

Zecriah Maynard James Ross 

Joseph Moore Richard Burk 

John Parminter Thomas Brewer 

Henry Loker Samuell How. 

The contribution to which the petition refers was called 
"The Irish Charity Donation or Fund." The gift was made 
in 1676, for the people in the Massachusetts, Plymouth and 
Connecticut colonies who had suffered in King Philip's War. 
It was " made by divers Christians in Ireland for the reliefTe 


of such as are Impoverished, Distressed and in Nessesitie by 
the late Indian wars ; " sent by the " Good ship called the 
Kathrine of Dublin." Rev. Nathaniel Mather, the brother of 
Increase, is supposed to have been a means of procuring the 
fund. The proportion received by Sudbury was for twelve 
families, forty-eight persons, 11. 4s. Od. This was to be deliv- 
ered to the selectmen of the several towns in meal, oat meal, 
and malt at 18c?. per ball, butter 6d. cheese 4c?. per pound. 
The following is another section of the same petition : — 

Furthermore prmitt yo r humble Peticon rs to present a second motion. 
And let it be acceptable in y e eyes of this Our Grand Court vizt: 

That whereas by an Act of Our late Gen" Court ten rates are leavied 
upon Our towne amounting unto 200 ,b : as appeareth p warrant from Our 
Treasurer, which said sum was leavied by Our Invoyce, taken in y e yeare 
before Our greate damage susteyned. It is y e humble & earnest request 
of yo r Petition rs to commiserate Our Condition, in granting to us some 
abatement of y e said sum for ye ensueing consideration, Vist: ffirst Our 
towne to pay full for theire estates then taken which in greate pte they 
have now lost by y e enemy's invasion may seem not to savor of pitty no 
not of equity 

Is it not reason 1 " that this service soe beneficiall should not be consid- 
ered with some reward which may not easily be esserted (sic) by issuing 
forth an Act of yo r grace in a suitable abatem 1 of y e said sum leavied 
with y e conferring of a Barrell of Powder & suitable shott in regard that 
yo r Petioners have spent not only their owne stock or others but much 
of y e Towne stock. 

In response, "the Court judged meet to order that Sud- 
bury be allowed and abated forty fower pound ten shillings 
out of ye whole sume of their ten county rates." (Colonial 
Records, Vol. V., p. 124.) 



Revival of Prosperity after Philip's War. — Payment for Fortification of 
the Meeting-House. — Erection of Saw-Mill at Hop Brook. — Death 
of Rev. Edmund Browne; Place of Burial; Historical Sketch. — 
Settlement of Rev. James Sherman. — Purchase of Parsonage. — 
Building of New Meeting-House. — Political Disturbances. — Change 
of Charter. — Administration of Sir Edmund Andros. — Indian Hos- 
tilities. — The Ten Years War. — Distribution of Ammunition. — 
Petition of Sudbury. — Phipps Expedition. — Sudbury Canada Grant. 
— Witchcraft. — Samuel Paris; Historical Sketch. — Incorporation of 
Framiugham. — Miscellaneous Matters. 

The land lies open and warm in the sun, 
Anvils clamor and mill-wheels run ; 
Flocks on the hillsides, herds on the plain, 
The wilderness gladdened with fruit and grain. 


The war with King Philip being ended, the way was 
opened for renewed prosperity. New buildings went up on 
the old estates, the garrisons again became quiet homesteads, 
and the fields smiled with plentiful harvests. An early move- 
ment was made to meet indebtedness caused by the war. 
March, 1676-7, it was ordered, " that the rate to be made 
for the fortification about the meeting house of this town 
shall be made by the invoice to be taken this spring, leaving 
out all strangers and sojourners, and that the logs there used 
be valued at two shillings six pence each, boards five shil- 
lings six pence per hundred foot, and every man's day's work 
at 18 d ." A little later, Feb. 26, 1677, it was ordered, "that 
such persons as have brought in logs for fortification of the 
meeting house, do bring in their account of logs, and all per- 
sons an account also for their days' work done thereupon 



unto the town clerk between this and the next town meeting- 
no w appointed to be the 11 th of March next, and such as do 
not, shall lose both their logs and work, for the town will 
wait upon them no longer." 


Another movement that denotes the town's activity and 
recuperative power was the erection of a saw-mill. A town 
record, dated March 26, 1677, informs us it was ordered that 
"Peter King, Thomas Read, Sen., John Goodenow, John 
Smith and Joseph Freeman have liberty granted them to 
build a saw mill upon Hop Brook above Mr. Peter Noyes's 
mill, at the place viewed by the committee of this town 
chosen the last week, which if they do, they are to have 
twenty tons of timber of the common lands for the building 
thereof, and earth for their dam, and also they are to make a 
small dam or sufficient causage so as to keep the waters out 
of the swamp lands there, provided also that if Mr. Peter 
Noyes shall at any time throw up his corn mill they do in 
room thereof set up a corn mill as sufficient to grind the 
town's corn and grain as Mr. Noyes's present mill hath done 
and doth, and see to maintain the same, and whenever they 
or any of them their heirs, executors, administrators, Assigns, 
or successors, shall either throw up their said corn mill or 
fail to grind the towns corn and grain as above said, the 
towns land hereby granted shall be forfeited and returned to 
the town's use again, and lastly the said persons are not to 
pen up the water, or saw at anj r time between the middle of 
April and first of September, and they are also to make good 
all the highway that they shall damage thereby." 


The town had not moved far on the road to renewed pros- 
perity before another calamity came. This was the death of 
its pastor, Rev. Edmund Browne, who died June 22, 1678. 
The first intimation we have on the town records of Mr. 
Browne's sickness is the following : " Ordered, that next 
Lord's day there be a free contribution [asked] and collected 
by Deacon Haines for and towards carrying and charge of 


Preacher (upon the sickness of Mr. Edmund Browne, Pas- 
tor) that the pulpit might be supplied notwithstanding, after 
the best manner that may be obtained." Captain Goodenow, 
Deacon Haines, Mr. Joseph Noyes and Peter King were em- 
powered to be a standing committee during the pastor's sick- 
ness, and ordered " to take care that this town be supplied 
with able Preachers whilst the Pastor is not able to offici- 
ate." "The following named persons offered themselves for 
the 1 st month to travel with horse and weekly to fetch and 
return Preachers for the supply of the town, at least every 
Lord's day. 1 st Peter Noyes, Joseph Parmenter, 2 d Tho. 
Brown, Joseph Moore, 3 d Jn° Goodenow, Joseph Graves, 
4 th Samuel How, Thomas Read, Jr." 

We have discovered no record, and are aware of no tradi- 
tion, relating to Mr. Brown's burial or place of interment. 
He may have been buried in the old yard in Wayland, and 
the grave may have been left unmarked, or the stone may 
have been broken or fallen, and been removed. It has been 
conjectured that his remains were placed in some tomb in or 
about the city of Boston. The writer has examined copied 
inscriptions on the stones of some of the older graveyards 
of Boston, but has discovered there no name which could 
be that of the first pastor of Sudbury. In Sewall's Diary 
is the following entry: "Monday, May 9th, 1709. Major 
Thomas Brown Esq. of Sudbury was buried in the old Bury- 
ing place. Bearers, Cook, Sewall, Hutchingson, Townsend, 
Jas Dummer, Dudley, Scarves and Gloves." "The old Bury- 
ing place " was that of King's Chapel, Boston. The wife of 
Major Thomas Brown was buried in the East Side Burying- 
ground, Sudbury. If Major Brown was not buried with his 
wife, but it was considered important that his remains should 
be taken to Boston for interment, the same may have been 
the case with Edmund Browne. 

In the death of its first pastor the town met with a great 
loss. It is true, he was nearly or quite fourscore years old, 
but judging from his activity in the Indian war, in fortifying 
his house, and sending messages to the Colonial Court, he 
was still energetic and robust. Moreover, he had been with 
the people from the beginning of the settlement ; he had 


passed with them through the desolations of a terrible war, 
and had been a sharer of their joys and sorrows for many 
years. From what we know of him, we judge him to have 
been a warm friend of the truth, and an ardent defender of 
the Christian faith. It is certainly creditable to him, that, 
after such a long pastorate, his people were of a character 
to empower their committee to provide " an able Orthodox 
Preacher," after he was taken ill. 

Mr. Browne came from England in 1637, and, according 
to Mather, was ordained and in actual service in that coun- 
try before he came to America. He was a freeman of Mas- 
sachusetts Bay Colony, May 13, 1640. He married, about 
1645, Anne, widow of John Loveren of Watertown, but left 
no children. He was a member of the synod that established 
" The Cambridge Platform," 1646-8 ; was on the council 
that met in 1657 to settle the difficulties in Rev. Mr. Stone's 
church, Hartford ; preached the artillery election sermon in 
1666 ; and his name is attached to the testimony of the 
seventeen ministers against the proceedings of the three 
elders of the First Church, Boston, about 1669. 

Mr. Browne was quite a land owner, his real estate, as it 
is supposed, amounting to three hundred acres. His early 
homestead at Timber Neck had originally belonging to it 
seventy acres. He received from the General Court a grant 
of meadow land situated in the present territory of Framing- 
ham, and from time to time became possessed of various 
lands both within and without the town. Mr. Brown 
hunted and fished, and it is said was a good angler. He 
played on several musical instruments and was a noted 
musician. In his will he speaks of his "Base Voyal " and 
musical books and instruments. He was much interested in 
educating and Christianizing the Indians, and at one time 
had some of them under his special care. His library was 
for those times quite valuable, containing about one hundred 
and eighty volumes. He left fifty pounds to establish a 
grammar school in Sudbury; but by vote of the town, in 
1724, it was diverted to another purpose. He also left one 
hundred pounds to Harvard College. 



The town was not left long without a pastor. It soon 
called the Rev. James Sherman, who had preached during 
the illness of Mr. Browne. May 6, 1678, "it was ordered 
that the committee engage the service of Mr. James Sherman 
that hath officiated in the town in that kind to continue in 
that work till the first of September next, or lojiger as they 
shall see cause, or till further order from the town." May 
20, on a " training day," it was decided that Mr. Peter King 
was to entertain Mr. Sherman, and to have six shillings per 
week "for his diet, lodging, attendance, and horse." 

Active measures were immediately taken to provide the 
minister with a house. The town bought of John Loker the 
east end of his house, standing before and near the meeting- 
house, and his orchard, and the whole home lot of about four 
acres ; it also bought of him the reversion due to him of the 
western end of the house that his mother then dwelt in. 
This part of the house was to be the town's property at the 
marriage or death of the said Widow Mary Loker. For this 
property the town was to pay John Loker fifty pounds. (See 
p. 116.) The Widow Loker appeared at town-meeting, and 
surrendered all her reversion in the western end of the house 
to the town, reserving the liberty to have twelve months in 
which " to provide herself otherwise." She also promised in 
the meantime "to quit all egress and regress through the 
eastern end of the house and every part thereof." In conse- 
quence of this the town agreed to pay her annually — that 
is, till she should marry or die — twenty-five shillings, money 
of New England. The town also voted to raise twenty-five 
pounds with which to repair the house. The records inform 
us, that " the said town doth freely give and grant unto Mr. 
James Sherman, minister of the word of God, all that house 
and lands which the said town bought lately of John Loker, 
and twenty pounds to be paid him in [country] pay towards 
the repair of the said house, and also twenty pounds more to 
be paid him in money, for and towards the purchase of the 
widow Mary Loker's lot that lies adjoining to it, when she 


shall have sold it to the said Mr. James Sherman, and also 
six acres of common upland lying on the back side of the 
town at the end of Smith field, and also six acres of meadow 
ground some where out of the common meadows of this 
town. These foregoing particular gifts and grants the said 
town doth engage and promise to the said Mr. James Sher- 
man minister and his heirs ... in case he shall settle in this 
town and live and die amongst them their Teaching Elder. 
But in case the said Mr. Sherman shall not carry out the 
constant work of preaching in and to this town, during his 
life, or shall depart and leave this town before his death, 
then all the premises shall return to the said town's hands 
again to be at their own dispose forever, only they are then 
to pay to the said Mr. Sherman all the charges he hath been 
out for the same in the meantime, as [they] shall be judged 
worth by indifferent men mutually chosen, unless both par- 
ties shall agree therein among themselves." 

The town also agreed to pay Mr. Sherman eighty pounds 
salary; twenty pounds of this were to be paid him in "money, 
twenty pounds in wheat, pork, beef, mutton, veal, butter, or 
cheese, or such like species at country price, and the remain- 
ing forty shall be paid him in Indian Corn and Rye, or Bar- 
ley or Peas, all at country prices." He was to have five 
pounds added per annum to his salary for the cutting and 
carting home of firewood. He was also to have the use of 
the minister's meadow lands, and could pasture his cattle on 
the common land, and have firewood and timber from the 
common land of the town. 

The 30th of October, 1678, " the said Mr. James Sherman 
did then and there freely and fully declare before the town 
his acceptance of all that which the said town had granted 
and done in all respects as is before written, in consideration 
thereof for his part he did promise the said town, that he 
would live and die in the constant and public discharge of 
this, duty, by preaching the word of the Lord unto them, and 
in the faithful administration of all the ordinances of Christ 
amongst them ; which the Inhabitants of the said town ac- 
cepted of ; and said Mr. Sherman also declaired there that if 
the mint house should be put down so that money cannot be 


had he should neither expect nor desire any part of his sal- 
ary in money." 

Thus the town secured the services of Mr. Sherman, and 
provided him with a place of residence ; and within a year 
after the death of Mr. Browne, the church was again equipped 
for work. Mr. Sherman was son of Rev. John Sherman 
of Watertown. He married Mary, daughter of Thomas 
Walker of Sudbury, and had two sons, John and Thomas. 
He was ordained in 1678, and was dismissed May 22, 1705. 
After leaving the pastoral office he remained in town for a 
time, occasionally preaching abroad. Afterwards, he prac- 
ticed medicine in Elizabethtown, N. J., and Salem, Mass. 
He died at Sudbury, March 3, 1718. 


During the pastorate of Mr. Sherman, the town took meas- 
ures for the erection of a new house of worship. Oct. 6, 
1686, " it was determined, ordered, and voted, that a new 
meeting house be built within this town with all convenient 
speed, after such manner as shall be resolved upon by the 
town." "It was ordered that the said new meeting house 
shall be erected finished and stand upon the present Burying 
place of this town and on the most convenient part thereof 
or behind or about the old meeting house that now is." 

The business of building the meeting-house was entrusted 
to Deacon John Haines, between whom and the town a cov- 
enant was made at a town-meeting, Jan. 10, 1685. It was 
to be raised on or before the first day of July, 1688 ; and for 
the work Mr. Haines was to have two hundred pounds, — 
one hundred and sixty pounds of it to be paid in " country 
pay and at country price," and the other forty pounds to be 
paid in money. The country pay was to be in " good sound 
merchantable Indian corn, or Rye, or wheat, or barley, or 
malt, or Peas, or Beef, or Pork, or work, or in such other 
pay as the said Deacon Haines shall accept of any person." 

The meeting-house was to be " made, framed and set up, 
and finished upon the land and place appointed by the town 
on the 6 th of October last past, in all respects for dimentions, 
strength, shape, . . . and conveniences, as Dedham meeting 


house is, except filling between studs ; but in all things else 
admitting with all in this work such variations as are particu- 
larly mentioned in the proposition of Corporal John Brewer 
and Sam 1 How." The town was to help raise the building, 
the clapboards were to be of cedar, the inside to be lined 
with either planed boards or cedar clapboards, and the win- 
dows were to contain two hundred and forty feet of glass. It 
was voted, "that Leut. Daniel Pond shall be left to his lib- 
erty whether he will leave a middle alley in the new meeting 
house, or shut up the seats as they are in Dedham meeting 
house, provided always that the seats do comfortably and 
conveniently hold and contain seven men in one end of the 
seats and seven women in the other end of the seats." 

At a town-meeting, Feb. 13, 1687-8, " a committee of 
eleven men were chosen to receive the new meeting house 
of Deacon John Haines, when it is finished according unto 
covenant made between him and the town," and also " to 
appoint persons how and where to sit in the meeting house." 
It was voted, "that the most considerable rule for seating of 
persons in the meeting house shall be by what they pay to 
the building thereof, excepting in respect to some considera- 
ble persons or to age and other considerable qualifications." 
It was voted that there should be "a good, sufficient and 
strono- ladder placed at the meeting house with as much 
speed as may be, to prevent whatsoever occurrence may hap- 
pen." "Mary Loker was to have one pound fifteen shillings 
for the year ensuing for sweeping the new meeting house 
and keeping it clean." It was voted, that " there should be 
a convenient place for the storing of the ammunition of the 
town over the window in the south west gable. The dirt 
on the north east and south east side of the new meeting 
house was to be moved and placed at the foreside of it, and 
the ground was to be raised to within four or five inches of 
the sill, and to cover it with gravel and make a convenient 
way in at the door." 

A few years after this meeting-house was built a bell was 
provided for it. It cost "twenty and five pounds in money." 
John Goodenow and Edward Wright paid this, and they 
bought the bell of Caleb Hubbert of Braintree. It was voted 


that John Parm enter should sweep the meeting-house from 
April 1, 1696, to April 1, 1697, for fourteen bushels of Indian 
or twenty shillings in money. The building being completed, 
a committee was chosen " to go to Dedham and clear up ac- 
counts with and obtain a discharge from Lieut. Daniel Pond 
concerning our new meeting house." 


While the people of Sudbury were endeavoring to repair 
their misfortunes, they worked at a disadvantage. The 
countiy was by no means quiet. Disturbances, both civil 
and military, embarrassed the land. Kings in rapid succes- 
sion ascended the British throne. In 1685 came the death 
of King Charles, who was succeeded by James II., who was 
followed by William of Holland. Change in England meant 
change in America, and change in America meant change in 
the colonial towns. For some time there had been a con- 
troversy concerning the colony's charter. In 1685 it was 
declared that this charter was forfeited. The liberties of the 
people passed into the hands of the King of Great Britain, 
and the colony was called to submit to such form of govern- 
ment as Charles II. and James his successor saw fit to allow. 
But the people yet hoped to resume the old charter. Events, 
however, proved that these hopes were vain. In 1692 a new 
charter was brought to Boston by Sir William Phipps, and 
from a colony Massachusetts passed to a province, which 
included Nova Scotia, New Hampshire, Plymouth, Massa- 
chusetts, and Maine. With this change came new relations 
and laws. The new charter gave the governor extended 
power. He had the appointment of all the military officers, 
and, with the consent of the Council, the judicial also. He 
could call or adjourn the General Court, and no act of gov- 
ernment was valid without his consent. But before the com- 
pletion of this list of events, the community was agitated by 
a usurpation of power unsurpassed in the history of the 

In 1686, Sir Edmund Andros was commissioned by King 
James to succeed Dudley as colonial governor. Andros 
proved a pernicious ruler, whose despotism was not long 


to be borne. Among his arbitrary acts was imprisonment 
without trial, unjust and oppressive taxation, denial of the 
right of habeas corpus and the right of the people to hold 
their town-meetings. But the act which perhaps threatened 
the greatest embarrassment was that relating to real estate. 
The people were informed that they had unsound claims to 
their lands, and that the titles to them were void. Notwith- 
standing Indian deeds were produced, they were told these 
were "worth no more than the scratch of a bear's paw." 
Although King James is said to have commanded, that 
" the several properties according to the ancient records " 
should be continued to the people, yet the commission to 
Andros intimated his intention of assuming the whole "real 
property " of the country, and that landed rights were to 
be granted the people on such terms as the king might 

The result was a general embarrassment, and on April 18, 
1689, there was a revolt and resort to arms. A council 
of safety was formed, and there met in Boston the 22d of 
May, the representatives of fifty-four towns. Sudbury sent 
Peter King as its delegate. He was instructed "to consult 
with the council sitting," and directed " not to resume the 
former charter government only that the present council 
should stand until we receive orders from his Royal High- 
ness the Prince of Orange, and that the prisoners in durance 
be safely kept until such time as they may be brought before 
lawful justice." Forty of the representatives of the fifty- 
four towns voted in favor of resuming the old charter. 
This, however, being opposed by Broadstreet, the presi- 
dent, and also by many of the old magistrates, it was agreed 
to resume only the government chosen in 1686 under the 
charter, until further orders were received from England. 
Forty delegates voted for this measure, and Mr. King of 
Sudbury was among the number. The dissolution of the 
old charter was in 1686. On May 26, 1689, a ship brought 
the news of the proclaiming of King William and Queen 
Mary ; and the arrival of the charter for a province was in 

Thus, when the country was stirred by civil commotion, 


the town took its appropriate part ; and, despite the bustle 
and stir in these important matters of state, it pursued its 
steady way. The persons who served from Sudbury in the 
General Court from the deposition of Andros, in 1689, were 
Peter King, Peter Noyes, John Haynes, Joseph Freeman. 
(Mass. Hist. Coll., Vol. XXIV., p. 289.) 


The disturbing elements of this period were not confined 
to civil relations. The border settlements were exposed to 
the sudden assaults of the savages, who needed only a pre- 
text or an opportunity to commence their depredations. An 
occasion was soon afforded. About 1689 hostilities broke 
out among the settlements of New Hampshire and Maine, 
and the county of Middlesex was called upon to send its 
troops and munitions of war to the ravaged districts between 
the Penobscot and Merrimac. But a war of greater propor- 
tions soon threatened the colony, and which was to be of 
a duration, not of months, but of years. This war, waged 
between England and France, and known as King William's, 
or the " Ten Years War," for about a decade of years, 
menaced the frontier towns of New England. The work of 
devastation was soon commenced, and revived the associa- 
tions of by -gone years. The musket was once more to be 
shouldered and the sword unsheathed in defense of imperiled 
firesides and the arbitrament of disputed rights. 

French authorities, with the sanction of the governor gen- 
eral of Canada, sought an alliance with the Indians, and the 
French and savages combined made the border a perilous 
place. But the war .affected the New England colony in 
general. Levies were made on the towns for men to man 
the outposts and to go on expeditions of an aggressive and 
hazardous nature. During these years of hostility Sudbury 
was less exposed than in the war with King Philip. Her 
greatest trial was from sudden incursions, and a liability to 
large drafts on her weak resources. It is recorded in the 
town book, that, in 1688, there was a distribution of the 
stock of ammunition. The following statement is accompa- 
nied by a list of persons who took the stock in charge : — 



The names of those persons as have taken the public stock of am- 
munition into their hands, and have agreed to respond for the same in 
case that it be not spent in real service in the resistance of the enemy 
are as followeth. 

Benjamin Moore 
Samuel How 
Matthew Gibbs 
Mr. Hopestil Brown 
Daniel Stone 
Corp. John Bent 
Corp. Henry Rice 
Mr. William Brown 
Mathew Rice 
John Allen 
Mr. Peter Noyes 
Widow Mary Rice 
John Parmenter 
Mr. James Sherman 
Stephen Blandford 
John Grout, Jun. 
Thomas Knapp 
Benjamin Parmenter 
Sarjeant James Barnard 
John How. 

Captain Thomas Brown 
John Goodenow 
Lieut. John Grout 
Ensign Jacob Brown 
Peter King 

Lieut. Edward Wright 
John Rice 

Mr. Thomas Walker, Sr. 
Thomas Reade, Sr. 
Deacon John Haines 
Lieut. Josiah Haines 
Sargent Joseph Freeman 
Corp. John Brewer 
Joseph Curtis 
Mr. Joseph Noise 
Joseph Moore 
Zachariah Maynard 
Sargent John Rutter 
Jonathan Stanhope 
Corp. Richard Taylor 
Corp. Joseph Gleason 
Jonathan Rice 
Thomas Plympton 

The most of the persons thus named had allowed them 
a little over four pounds of powder, a little over thirty-three 
pounds of shot, and thirteen flints. About two years from 
this date, 1690, an order came to Major Elisha Hutchinson, 
commander of the forces, to detach " 18 able soldiers well 
appointed with arms and ammunition out of the several com- 
panies of his regiment to rendezvous at Sudbury upon Tues- 
day the 27 th of May with six days provisions a man." 

These things indicate a harassed condition of the country, 
and perhaps a near approach of the foe to Sudbury. Noth- 
ing, however, so forcibly sets forth the military service of 
the town in those times as a paper bearing no date, but found 
in the State Archives among others belonging to that period. 
The document, which is in the form of a petition, is as fol- 
lows : — 


To the honorable Governor, Deputy Governor, and to all our honored 
Magistrates and Representatives of the Massachusetts Colony, 
now sitting in General Court in Boston. 
The humble petition of us who are some of us for ourselves, others 
for our children and servants, whose names are after subscribed humbly 
showeth lhat being impressed the last winter several of us into dreadful 
service, where, by reason of cold and hunger and in tedious marches 
many score of miles in water and snow, and laying on the snow by night, 
having no provision but what they could carry upon their backs, beside 
hard arms and ammunition, it cost many of them their lives. Your hum- 
ble petitioners several of us have been at very great charges to set them 
out with arms, and ammunition, and clothing, and money to support 
them, and afterwards by sending supplies to relieve them and to save 
their lives, notwithstanding many have lost their lives there, others came 
home, and which were so suffered, if not poisoned, that they died since 
they came from there, notwithstanding all means used, and charges out 
for their recovery, others so surfeited that they are thereby disabled 
from their callings. Likewise your humble petitioners request is that 
this honored court would grant this favor that our messengers may have 
liberty to speak in the court to open our cause so as to give the court 
satisfaction. Your humble petitioners humble request is farther that 
you would please to mind our present circumstances, and to grant us 
such favors as seems to be just and rational, that we may have some 
compensation answerable to our burden, or at least to be freed from far- 
ther charges by rates, until the rest of our brethren have borne their 
share with us. and not to be forced to pay others that have been out but 
little in respect of us, whereas the most of us have received little or noth- 
ing but have been at very great charges several of us. If it shall please 
this honorable General Court to grant us our petition we shall look upon 
ourselves as duty binds us ever pray. 

John Haynes Sen. Thomas Walker 

Joseph Noyes Sen. John Barrer 
Peter Haynes Sen. [or Noyes] Samuel Glover 

Mathew Rice Joseph Gleason sen 

John Allen Thomas Rutter 

Mathew Gibbs sen Joseph Rutter 

Thomas Rice Benjamin Wight 

James Rice sen Peter Plympton 

Joseph Curtis Israel Miller 

Josiah Haynes sen. Stephen Cutts 

(State Archives, Vol. XXXVI., p. 59.) 

This petition presents a story of sorrow. The service 
referred to was, it is supposed, in connection with the ill- 
fated expedition of Sir William Phipps in 1690. In this 


expedition Sudbury was represented b} r a company of men, 
some of whom were from Framingham. A large force, con- 
sisting of forty vessels and two thousand men, most of whom 
were from Massachusetts, was fitted out for the capture of 
Quebec. The fleet sailed from Boston, and the land forces 
marched by way of Montreal and the lakes. But the great 
enterprise failed. Gotten up in haste, it was poorly pre- 
pared, and its military stores were but scant. Being late in 
the season, unfavorable weather prevailed, the small-pox set 
in, and the expedition came back with its object unachieved. 
It is said that many more died of fever after the expedition 
returned to Boston. But this was not all. The money in 
the treasury was insufficient to pay the soldiers, and for the 
first time in the history of the country paper money was 
issued ; but from this the soldiers obtained only from twelve 
to fourteen shillings to the pound. 

Years after the Phipps expedition, survivors or their heirs 
petitioned the Court for land grants, and received them. 
These lands were called Canada grants. In answer to such 
a petition, Sudbury received land in Maine, which was 
called the Sudbury Canada grant. This grant now makes 
the towns of Jay and Canton. (New England Historical 
Antiquarian Register, Vol. XXX., p. 92.) The names of 
the petitioners for the foregoing grant have been preserved 
in a paper which bears date "Oct ye 26 th 1741." The list 
was given in connection with what was called " A lift tax of 
fifteen shillings a man." A few of these names are as fol- 
lows : Ward, Graves, Stone, Rice, Bridges, Newton, Walker, 
Woodward, Joseph Rutter, Gibbs, Peter Bent, Brewer, Sam- 
uel Paris. The petitioners were formed into a society, hav- 
ing Capt. Samuel Stone, treasurer, and Josiah Richardson, 
clerk, both of Sudbury. 

Thus along from 1688 till the declaration of Peace at 
Ryswick, Dec. 10, 1697, there was inconvenience and loss. 
On the 27th of July, 1694, a detachment of the Abenakis, 
under the Chief Taxnus, crossed the Merrimac, and assailed 
Groton, where the Indians killed twenty -two persons and 
captured thirteen. In August, 1695, a sudden descent was 
made on Billerica, in which fifteen persons were killed or 

See page I 99. 


captured. Lancaster suffered in 1692, also in 1695, and in 
September, 1697, the Indians again entered the town. Thus 
near lurked the troublesome foe, and Sudbury doubtless felt 
its insecurity when it learned of these savage incursions in 
the neighboring towns. The following record on the Town 
Book bears testimony to this sense of insecurity: "Also 
agreed to call the town together for the choice of all town 
officers next lecture day at twelve of the clock, and it being 
a troublesome time with the Indians but few appeared." 


Another source of disturbance towards the last of the 
century was the witchcraft delusion. Supposed cases had 
occurred before in the Massachusetts Colony, and persons 
had been executed whom it was said had the power to 
bewitch men ; but in 1692, it broke out with renewed 
violence, and strangely disturbed society. We know of no 
alleged cases in Sudbury ; but a person prominently con- 
nected with Salem witchcraft subsequently went to Sudbury, 
and dwelt there until his death. This was the Rev. Samuel 
Paris, the first minister of what was then Salem Village, but 
now the town of Danvers. In view of this fact, a few words 
concerning the matter and Mr. Paris' sad history may not be 

The Salem witchcraft delusion began in Mr. Paris' family. 
During the winter of 1691-2 a company of young girls were 
accustomed to meet at his house and practice fortune-telling, 
necromancy, and magic. It is stated they attained some skill 
in this matter, and that after a while they ascribed to it 
supernatural agency. The community became alarmed, and 
the physician called them bewitched. Two of these girls 
were of Mr. Paris' household, — one a daughter, the other a 
niece, neither of them over eleven years of age. The com- 
plaints made were similar to those made years before by the 
children of John Goodenow of Boston. An Indian woman 
named Tituba, who had been brought from New Spain, 
lived in Mr. Paris' family. Tituba was accused of being 
the witch, and of bewitching these children. She confessed, 
and claimed to have confederates. Had the children of Mr. 


Paris been unnoticed, or the matter brushed lightly by, per- 
haps it had stopped right there ; but they were pitied, and 
shown special attention, and new cases soon occurred. The 
work of accusation and suspicion went forward, and rapidly 
spread, until it reached fearful proportions. Scores were 
apprehended, tried, and condemned, until men knew not 
when they were safe. 

The delusion was soon dispelled, and society resumed a 
more tranquil state ; but as the darkness broke it left bitter 
regrets ; for the light shone on a record as sad as any in the 
annals of the Massachusetts Colony. From Mr. Paris' posi- 
tion, as pastor of the Salem Village Church, he may have 
come in contact with cases in a perfunctory way which gave 
hini unpleasant publicity. In 1695 a council met at Salem 
Village to confer about the witchcraft matter as related to 
Mr. Paris and his people. Shortly after this he left the 
church and the place. He became a trader, went to Water- 
town, then Concord; but his stay in each place was short. 
He then went to Dunstable, where for a few months he 
preached. He at length went to Sudbury, and died there 
about 1720. Thus originated the Salem witchcraft, and thus 
passed away the man who received notoriety by it. 

Moral. — Deal not with familiar spirits. " Resist the devil, 
and he will flee from you." Leave necromancy, magic, and 
all the black arts, and seek more substantial and sensible 


Mr. Paris was the son of Thomas Paris of London. He 
went to Harvard College, but did not remain to graduate. 
Before preaching at Salem Village he preached at Stowe. 
He was twice married, his first wife dying in 1696, at about 
the age of forty-eight, his second wife in 1719. His first 
wife was buried at Danvers; her grave is marked by a head- 
stone upon which is the following verse, after which are the 
initials of Mr. Paris : — 

Sleep Precious Dust, no stranger now to Rest, 
Thou hast thy longed wish, within Abraham's Brest, 
Farewell Best Wife, Choice Mother, Neighbor, Friend, 
We'll wail thee less, for hopes of thee in the end. 


Mrs. Paris, it is said, was a good woman. Mr. Paris left 
several children. His daughter Dorothy, born 1700, became 
the wife of Hopestill Brown of Sudbury. Another daughter 
married Peter Bent. His son No} r es Paris, born 1699, took 
his first degree at Harvard College, 1721. His other son, 
Samuel, was born 1702. 

After Mr. Paris came to Sudbmy, we conclude that for 
a time he taught school there. The records state, that in 
1717, Mr. Samuel Paris was to teach school four months of 
the year at the school-house on the west side of the river, 
and the rest of the year at his own house. If he was absent 
part of the time, he was to make it up the next year. In 
Book III., Sudbury Records, we have the following state- 
ment, with date May 25, 1722 : " These may certify that 
ye 28 pounds that ye town of Sudbury agreed to give Mr. 
Samuel Paris late of Sudbury, for his last yeares keeping 
school in s d town, is by Mr. John Clapp treasurer for said 
town by his self and by his order all paid as witness my 
hand John Rice excuter of ye last will and Testament of ye 
s d Mr. Paris." 

There are graves of the Paris family in the old buiying- 
ground at Wayland. Towards the southeast side of it stands 
a stone with the following inscription: "Here lyes ye Body 
of Samuel Paris, Who Died July 27 th 1742 in y e 8 th year of 
his age." On another stone is marked: ''Here lyes ye Body 
of Mrs. Abigail Paris who departed this life February ye 
15 th 1759 in ye 55 th year of her age." 


At the close of the century, Sudbury lost a portion of the 
inhabitants who dwelt upon its southern border and were 
identified with the town. This loss was occasioned by the 
incorporation of Framingham in 1700. A petition was pre- 
sented to the Court in 1792-3 (State Archives, Vol. CXIII.) 
by these people and others, who state, that they are "persons 
dwelling upon sundry farms lying between Sudbury, Con- 
cord, Marlboro, Natick, and Sherborn, and westerly in the 
Wilderness." They say they "have dwelt there about forty 
years, and are about forty families, some having built, and 


some building." They also say they " have endeavored to 
attend public worship some at one town, some at another;" 
and they ask to be made a township, and have the privileges 
usually accorded in such cases. The Court granted the 
request of the petitioners, and ordered that the farms adja- 
cent to Framingham should be annexed to the proposed new 
town ; and the people of Framingham having asked the 
Court "that the line between s d annexed farms and Sudbury 
be accepted," the request was granted. Some of the names 
attached to the petition are still familiar in Sudbury, viz. : 
Bent, Stone, Rice, Gleason, Walker, and How. 


The population of the town toward the beginning of this 
period is indicated by the fact that in 1GT9 six ty thing-men 
were appointed, who were " to inspect from ten to thirteen 
families each." The following is a report made at a select- 
men's meeting, in 1682, of improved land in and bordering 
upon the town: "Lands of persons dwelling in the town, 
3896 acres. List of lands in town of persons dwelling else- 
where up and down the country, 2522 acres, list of men's 
lands bordering about or near the town, amounted to 5130 
acres, in which Mr. Danforth's lands and Mr. Gookin's lands 
were not cast, because the contents were not certain." 

These were sent, together with the list of troopers in and 
about town, by Deacon Haines, commissioner, to Cambridge. 
The list of troopers that the town clerk made a rate upon, 
as mentioned with date 1683, is eighteen ; and with date 
1682 we have the county's money rate mentioned as fol- 
lows : " The part to be collected on the east side the river, 
5 lbs : 4 s : 5 d ; on the west side the river, 4 lbs : 8 s : d ." 

Some little attention was given to matters of education in 
this period, as indicated by a selectmen's report dated March 
30, 1680. On Oct, 2, 1692, John Long was chosen as " a 
wrighteing school master, to teach children to wright and 
cast accounts." Mr. Long continued to serve the town as 
schoolmaster for several years. 

Thus closed the century in which the town of Sudbury 
had its beginning. It was a diversified history, in which the 


light and shadow alternately played on the scene. But the 
power of a protecting Providence kept the people safe amid 
every trial and danger, and brought them forth with a pros- 
perity and strength which fitted them for the important 
events of the future. Probably but few, if any, who were of 
the original grantees in 1638, entered upon the scenes of the 
eighteenth century; but their children and children's chil- 
dren were to continue their work, and project their influence 
into far-off years; and as we continue the narrative, and 
consider the subsequent events in this history, we may see 
how the fathers lived in their sons. 



Educational Advantages; Why so small. — School Laws by the Province. 
— Town Action. — Grammar School ; Location. — Mixed Schools. — 
Masters. — School-Houses. — Ecclesiastical Matters. — Dismission of 
Rev. Mr. Sherman. — Ordination of Rev. Israel Loring. — Division 
of the Town into Two Precincts; Petitions, Remonstrances, Decision 
of the Court, Subsequent Action of the Town. — Call of Mr. Loring 
by the People of the West Precinct; His Acceptance. — Renewal of 
the Church Covenant by the People of the West Side; Subscribers 
Thereto. — Settlement of Rev. Mr. Cook in the East Parish. — Build- 
ing of a Meeting-House on the West Side; Location. — Removal of 
the East Side Meeting-House; New Location. 

The wealth of thought they knew, 

And with a toil-blest hand 
The path of learning, broad and free, 

Sped through our favored land. 

Miss Simes. 

A prominent feature in Sudbury at the beginning of 
the eighteenth century was the attention given to schools. 
Hitherto comparatively little had been done in this matter. 
As has been stated, means were provided for moral instruc- 


tion, but the opportunities for acquiring more than the rudi- 
ments of secular knowledge were extremely meagre. The 
causes of this were various. It was not an educational age, 
there was but one college in the Massachusetts Bay Prov- 
ince ; teachers at that day were scarce, and without proper 
instruction there was but poor encouragement to establish 
public schools. Moreover, it was an age of economy. Care- 
ful expenditure was a necessity in that tax-burdened and im- 
poverished period. Society was bearing the burdens incident 
to the waste of successive wars. Specie was scarce and com- 
modities dear. To procure things needful for every-day life 
payment in country produce was often made. Sometimes 
town taxes were paid in wares. In 1687 the taxes of Hing- 
bara were paid in pails. In 1693 those of Woburn were paid 
in shoes. Various were the expedients that the towns em- 
ployed to meet necessary calls that were made upon them. 
No wonder that in such times schools were neglected. It 
would not be strange if men were unmindful of every demand 
but those of stern necessity. 

But in 1692 a law was enacted, that every town in the 
province having fifty householders, or upwards, should be 
"constantly provided of a schoolmaster to teach children 
and youth to read and write ; and where any town or towns 
have the number of one hundred families or householders, 
there shall also be a grammar school set up in every such 
town, and some discreet person of good conversation, well 
instructed in the tongues procured to keep such school." 
Any town neglecting this requirement one year was liable 
to be fined ten pounds. In 1701 the Provincial Court passed 
an additional school act, stating, concerning the former one, 
that it was " shamefully neglected by divers towns, and the 
penalty thereof not required tending greatly to the nourish- 
ment of ignorance and irreligion, whereof grevious complaint 
is made." For neglecting this second law the penalty was 
made twenty pounds. This also proved quite insufficient for 
its purpose, for it was stated "many towns . . . would incur 
the penalty and pay for the neglect of the law rather than 
maintain the school required." In 1718 the Court enacted 
that the fine should be thirty pounds in the case of towns 


that had one hundred and fifty families, forty pounds in 
the case of towns of two hundred inhabitants. There was 
certain provision made by the law of the province by which 
the schoolmaster was to be maintained. He was to have a 
convenient house and competent salary. It was also pro- 
vided that the instructor should be an actual schoolmaster ; 
the town minister was not to act as a substitute. 

Such were some of the school laws at the beginning of the 
eighteenth century. That they affected town action is prob- 
able ; and very likely they exerted a powerful influence in 
procuring better schools in Sudbury. The records inform us 
that Jan. 1, 1702, the town voted that a rate should be made 
"to pay the 5 pounds the town was fined for want of a school 
master." This is the only time we hear of the town's receiv- 
ing the penalty. On the contrary, there is ample evidence 
of diligent endeavor to meet the law. Nov. 17, 1701, at a 
town-meeting, " it was voted to choose Mr. Joseph Noyes as 
a grammar school master for one year. . . . Also chose Mr 
W m Brown and Mr. Thomas Plympton to present the said 
school master unto the Rev. ministers for their approbation 
of him, which are as followeth, Mr. James Sherman, Mr. 
Joseph Esterbrooks, Mr. Swift of Framingham." This Rev- 
erend Committee duly met, and examined the candidate, and 
reported as follows, Nov. 21, 1701: "We the subscribers 
being desired by the town of Sudbury to write what we 
could testify in concerning the justification of Mr. Joseph 
Noyes of Sudbury for a legall Grammar School master, hav- 
ing examined the said Mr. Joseph Noyes, we find that he 
hath been considerably versed in the Latin and Greek 
tongue, and do think that upon his dilligent revisal and 
recollection of what he hath formerly learned, he may be 
qualified to initiate and instruct the youth in the Latin 
tongue. Joseph Esterbrooks, John Swift." 

On the strength of this careful approval and guarded rec- 
ommendation, the successful candidate went forth to his 
work. He did not, however, long retain his position. For 
some cause not mentioned, the place soon became vacant ; 
and February of the same year Mr. Picher became Mr. 
Noyes's successor. The contract made with Mr. Picher was 


as follows : " It is agreed and concluded that the town will 
and doth grant to pay unto Mr. Nathaniel Picher six pounds 
in money in course hee doth accept of the Towne's choice as 
to be our Grammar scool master, also for one quarter of a 
yeare, and to begin ye third of March next ensuing, and to 
serve in the place the full quarter of a yeare, one half of the 
time on the east side of the River, and the other half of 
the time on the west side of the river. This Grammar scool 
master chosen if he accepts and doth enter upon the work it 
is expected by the above said Towne, that he should teach 
all children sent to him to learn English and the Latin 
tongue, also writing and the art of Arithmatic." In 1703 
it was voted to pay Mr. Picher for service done that year 
twenty-eight pounds, " he deducting a months pay . . . for 
his being absent one month in summer time from keeping of 
scool, which amounth to twelfeth part of time;" "also voted 
and agreed as a free will, to give unto Mr. Picher two days 
in every quarter of his year to visit his friends, if he see 
cause to take up with it." In 1711, Lieut. Thomas Frink 
and Quartermaster Brintnall were " to agree with sum per- 
son who is well instructed in ye tongues to keep a scool." 
His pay was not to exceed thirty pounds. 

These records show something of the expense of a gram- 
mar school in the olden times; they also give hints of the 
character, duty, and pay of the teachers ; and of the manner 
of selection and examination. We have no means of know- 
ing the proficiency attained by the pupils in those grammar 
schools ; but with so much careful painstaking, and so large 
an expenditure of money, we may presume that something 
more than the mere rudiments were obtained. 

The place of the school was changed from time to time. 
In 1702 it was voted " that the scool master should keep y e 
scool on y e west side of y e river at y e house of Thomas Brint- 
nell, which is there parte of time belonging to y e west side of 
y e river." The custom of changing the place of the school 
was continued for many years ; for we find the following rec- 
ord as late as 1722: "Voted by the town that y e scool master 
shall keep scool one half of y e time on y e west side of y e river 
in Sudbury, voted by y e town, that y e scool master shall keep 


y e first quarter at y e scool house at y e gravel pitt, voted by 
y e town that y e second to bee keept on y e east side y e river as 
Near y e water as may be conveniant, voted by y e town that 
y e third quarter to be keept at y e house of Insign John 
Moore, voted by y e town that y e fourth quarter to be keept 
at y e house of Clark Gleason." In the year 1717, Samuel 
Paris was to keep school four months of the year at the 
school-house on the west side of the river, and at his own 
house the rest of the year. If he was away part of the time, 
he was to make it up the next year. 

But in addition to these means for obtaining advanced 
instruction, there were schools of a simpler character. About 
the time that provision was made for a grammar school, we 
read of " masters who were to teach children to rede and 
wright and cast accounts." This was done in 1701, at which 
time the town " voted and chose John Long and John Bal- 
com " for the purpose just stated, and to pay them for one 
year thirty shillings apiece. From this time repeated refer- 
ence is made in the records to schools of a primary or mixed 

Among the schoolmasters who served before 1750, are 
William Brintnal, Joseph Noyes, Nathaniel Picher, Jonathan 
Hoar, Samuel Paris, Nathaniel Trask, Jonathan Loring, John 
Long, John Balcom, John Mellen, Samuel Kendall, Ephraim 
Curtis, and Zachery Hicks. Some of these taught for a suc- 
cession of terms or years. William Brintnal taught a gram- 
mar school as late as 1733-4, and receipts are found of Samuel 
Kendall in 1725 and 1736. 

Prior to 1700, school-house accommodations were scant. 
There was no school building whatever. In 1702 " the town 
agreed that the school should be kept at the meeting house 
half a quarter and the other half quarter at the house of 
Benjamin Morses." But it is a law of progress that improve- 
ment in one direction suggests improvement in another ; so 
with better schools better accommodations were sought for. 
Jan. 1, 1702, the " town voted and paste into an act, to have 
a convenient scool hous ; " also voted " that the scool house 
that shall be built by the town shall be set and erected as 
near the centre of the town, as may be conveniantly set upon 


the town's land;" also "that it be twenty feet in length, 
: : : eighteen feet in breadth, seven feet from the bottom of 
the cell to the top of the plate, a large chimney to be within 
the house, the house to be a log house, made of pine, only 
the cells to be of white oak bord and shingles to be covered 
with.. Also the chimney to be of stone to the mortling and 
finished with brick. This was paste into an act and vote 
Jan. 15 th 1701-2." At another meeting it was decided "that 
there should be two scool houses ; " that they should be of 
the same dimensions ; and " that the one on the east side 
should be set near to Enoch Cleavland's dwelling house." 
It was afterwards voted that " the scool houses should be 
builte by a general town acte and that the selectmen should 
make a rate of money of 20 pounds for their erection." One 
of the houses was to be placed " by Cleafflands and the other 
near unto Robert Mans." In 1711 the town voted to have 
but one school-house, and this school-house was to be built 
at "y e gravel pitt." " Y e scool house " here mentioned was 
" to be 20 foot long, 16 foot wide, six foot studd, nine foot 
and a half sparrl. Ye sills to be white oak ye outside, to be 
horded, and ye bords to be feather edge. Ye inside to be 
birch and horded with Ruff bords, lower and uper flower to 
be bord and a brick Chemne, and two glass windows 18 
Enches square pe r window, and the Ruffe to be horded and 
shingled." It was to be ready for a school by the last of 
May, 1712. Joseph Parmenter was to make it, and have for 
pay fourteen pounds. 

The evidence is that the desire for school privileges spread, 
and that the extremity of the town soon sought for increased 
advantages. April 17, 1719, the town was called upon " to 
see if it will grant the North west quarter of the towns peti- 
tion, they desiring the school master some part of the time 
with them." 

The above records comprise the most important ones relat- 
ing to schools during this period. As we leave these educa- 
tional matters, some reflections arise concerning their relation 
to the town's future and far-reaching history. They were 
the beginnings of great and long-lasting influences. Those 
humble houses of the early New England schools were the 


town's nurseries of useful knowledge. In them minds were 
disciplined for that active period which, before the century 
closed, was to shape the country's career, and make of the 
colonies a great cluster of states. What a work was wrought 
within them ! What responsibility was upon those who had 
charge of these far-back beginnings ! We have found noth- 
ing on the records to indicate what methods were employed 
in governing or teaching ; but there is abundant room for 
the supposition that those who founded and those who 
taught these schools feared God ; and that they considered 
his Word a book suitable to be read and taught in all places 
of learning. No wonder, that, with such a beginning, our 
common schools have had such great success ; and that the 
influences that survived those times, manners, and men 
should have such large and lasting results. 


As in educational matters, so in those pertaining to the 
church, we find the period prolific in change. Great and 
important events transpired relating to the meeting-house, 
the minister, and the people. The first change was the 
dismission of the pastor. On May 22, 1705, the pastoral 
relation between Rev. James Sherman and the people of 
Sudbury was dissolved. But not long was the church left 
pastorless. The same year of Mr. Sherman's removal a 
town-meeting was held, in which it was voted "y* y e town 
will chose a man to preach ye word of God unto us for a 
quarter of a year." The Rev. Israel Loring was chosen for 
the term mentioned. He began to preach in Sudbury, Sept. 
16, 1705 ; and the result was he was ordained as pastor, Nov. 
20, 1706. 

After the settlement of Mr. Loring ecclesiastical matters 
were not long in a quiet state. A new subject soon engrossed 
public attention. There was an attempt made to divide the 
town into two parochial precincts. The west side people 
doubtless loved the little hillside meeting-house, about which 
were the graves of their friends, and whose history was asso- 
ciated with so much of their own. Their fondness for it had 
doubtless increased as the years passed by, and there clus- 


tered about it memories of things the sweetest and the sad- 
dest that had entered into their checkered experience. Here 
their children had been offered in baptism;. here had been the 
bridal and the burial, the weekly greetings and partings, the 
exchange of intelligence of heart and home. It had been the 
place for prayer and the preached word; a place of watch 
and ward, and a place of resort in times of danger. But not- 
withstanding their fondness for the sacred spot, they were 
too practical a people to allow sentiment to interfere with 
their true progress, and what they believed to be their spirit- 
ual good. With their slow means of transit, and the rough 
roads of that period when at their best, it was a long and 
weary way they had to travel every Sabbath day; but when 
the roads became blocked with the drifting snow, or the river 
was swollen with floods, then it was sometimes a perilous 
undertaking to reach the east side meeting-house and return. 
In that primitive period the people of Sudbury did not desire 
even a good excuse to keep them from public worship ; they 
were Puritanic in both precept and practice. They would 
allow no small obstacle to cheat their soul of its rights ; but 
if there were hinderances in the way to their spiritual helps, 
they required their immediate removal. 

Hence, a movement was inaugurated to divide the town, 
and make of it two precincts, in each of which there should 
be a church. A primary act for the accomplishment of this 
purpose was to obtain the consent of the General Court. To 
do this a petition was presented, which, as it tells its own 
story, and sets forth the entire case, we will present : — 

Petition of the West Side people of Sudbury to Governor Dudley and 
the General Assembly. 
The petition of us who are the subscribers living on ye west side of 
Sudbury great River Humbly showeth that wereas ye All wise and over 
Ruling providence of ye great God, Lord of Heaven and Earth who is 
God blessed forever moore, hath cast our lott to fall on that side of the 
River by Reason of the flud of watare, which for a very great part of the 
yeare doth very much incomode us and often by extremity of water and 
terrible and violent winds, and a great part of the winter by ice, as it is 
at this present, so that wee are shut up and cannot come forth, and many 
times when wee doe atempt to git over our flud, we are forced for to seek 
our spiritual good with the peril of our Lives. 



Beside the extreme Travill that many of us are Exposed unto sum 
3:4:5:6 miles much more than a Sabbath days Jurney, by Reason of 
these and many more objections, to many here to enumerate, whereby 
many of our children and little ones, ancient and weak persons, can very 
Rarly attend the public worship. The considered premises we truly 
pray your Excellency and ye Honorable Council and House of Repre- 
sentatives to consider and compassionate us in our Extreme suffering 
condition, and if we may obtain so much favor in your Eyes as to grant 
us [our presents] as to appoint us a Commity to see and consider our 
circumstances and make report thereof to this honorable Court. And 
your pore petitioners shall ever pray. 

Sudbury, January 15 th 170f 

John Goodnow. 

John haines 

John Brigham 

William Walker. 

George Parmenter. 

David how. 

George Parmenter, Jr. 

Joseph Parmenter. 

John brigham. 

Samuel willis. 

Joseph willis 

Richard Sanger. 

Tho : Smith 

Joseph Hayes [Haynes] 

timothy gibson, J r 

Joseph F. Jewel (his mark). 

Isaac Mellen 

Melo C. Taylor, (his mark). 

John Balcom. 

Joseph Balcom. 

(State Archives, Vol. II., p. 221.) 

John haynes. Jr. 

Robert Man his mark 

Benjamin wright. 

David Haynes. 

Prefer haines. 

Thomas Brintnal. 

Edward Goodnow his mark 

John Goodenow, jr 

Ephraim Garfield, his mark. 

Thomas Smith, Junior. 

Jonathan Rice. 

It was ordered that the town of Sudbury be served with a 
copy of the petition, and notified to attend the next session 
of the Court, and present objections if they had any. At 
a town-meeting in Sudbury, Oct. 4, 1707, a committee was 
chosen to attend the General Court, and give answer to the 
above petition. The committee was composed as follows : 
" M r Joseph Noyes, Lieut. Hop" Brown, Ens. Sam" King, 
Mr. James Barnard, Mr. Noah Clapp, Mr. Thomas Plymp- 


ton." This committee duly appeared to present a protest 
to the west side petition. The following are their words of 
remonstrance : — 

The committee chosen humbly showeth, 

That whereas a petition hath been presented to this Hon. Court in 
their late session by a Small number of persons Dwelling on the west- 
erly side of the river in Sudbury, (though Privately carried on) 

Praying that these may be a precinct by themselves &c. we do Hum- 
bly offer to your Judicious consideration 

That the number thus Petitioning is but Small and that others Inhab- 
iting on the westerly side of said River a number near Equal to them, 
Do oppose the same Looking on such a motion by their neighbors att 
this Time Especially to be Unseasonable and unreasonable, considering 
1.) the Great Expense that we have of Late been att: Occasioned by 
the deposition of our Late, and the Settling of our Present Minister. 
(2.) The vast Expenses attending the same, calls and may call for, 
Obliges us to Request that the Division Petitioned for, may be sus- 
pended, we deem ourselves incapable of affording, 

1 st Two Orthodox minister's Gospel maintainance, 2 n d we are Ready 
to afford to our neighbors what help we can in making the Causway, 
(so much complained of) passible in ordinary floods, by allotting to every 
man his quota or proposition to raise, which would be much for the Ben- 
efit of Travellers, as well as ourselves. 

Finally there are also some of those who now petition for division : 
that did complain, and declare that the Salary granted to our present 
minister was so Great that the town was not able to perform it, and if 
they Plead their remoteness from the public worship of God : we humbly 
offer that if the meeting house be placed in the Centre of the Inhabitants 
on the westerly side of the river (where we may expect it will be), many 
of their dwellings will be as Remote from the meeting house as they are 
now, We might bring many more objections which might be of weight, 
but shall add no more, but leave these to the Judicious consideration of 
this Honourable Courte, and follow these our Representatives with our 
petitions to the High Court of Heaven, that this Honouable Court may 
be so directed in this and in everv affair before them, that Gods Glory 
and the Prosperity of Religion may be promoted, and we, your most 
humble and obedient servants, may have ever cause to pray &c. 

Sudbury. October. 29th : 1707. 

Joseph Noyes, James Barnard, 

Thomas Plympton, Noah Clapp, 

Samuel King. 

(State Archives, Vol. II., p. 227.) 



The following names are signed to the original document 


Hop 11 Browne 
Tho': Plymton 
Sam 11 Wright, 
Joseph Goodenow 
John Moore 
Matt w Gibbs 
Noah Clapp 
Joseph Stanhope 
John Gibbs 
William Arnold 
Tho 8 Read Ju r 
Josiah Hayden 
Go 8 Steenens 
Tho" Cuttler 
John Rice 

widow Sarah Bowker 
Benj Moore 
Nath" Rice 
wid : Arabella Read 
John Burk 
Kphranin Pratt 
Peter Plymton 
Tho 8 Read 
Joshua Hayns 

A True Coppy 


John Rice 
Joseph Gleason S er 
Matt w Stone 
Sam 11 Graves 
Jo 8 Chamberlim 
Jo 8 Moore S er 
Jo 8 Moore 
Jo 8 Noyes 
Jo n Long 
Benj parmento r 
Isaac Stanhope 
John Allin 
John Parmintor 
Edmund Rice 
Matt w Rice 
her mark James Brewer 
Nat 11 Moore 
Tho 8 Brown 
Ephaaim Rice 
Isaac Gleason 
John Graues 
John Grout 
James Ross 
Tho' ffrinke 
Geron Jennison 
Ebe r Rice 
Sam 11 Allin 
Jon 4 Rice 
Joseph Gleason J r 
John abbutt 
John Adams 
Sam 11 King 
Jon' Griffin 
Ephraim Curtiss 
John Loker 
Tho 8 Moore 

After hearing both petition and remonstrance, the Court 
ordered that a committee should be sent, and report what 
the case required. This committee was made up of Capt. 
Samuel Checkley, [Capt.] Thomas Oliver, and Capt. Jonas 
Bond. These parties " were to join with such as the hon- 


ourable board should nominate, and they were to go upon 
the parish and hear what was for or against, notifying the 
town at least a week beforehand." John Phillips and Joseph 
Lynde, Esq., were named a committee of the board for the 
office aforesaid, and the petitioners were to pay the charges 
of the committee. The report of these parties was rendered 
May 13, 1708. It was in substance, that they considered 
" the thing was necessary to be done, but their opinion is, 
that now by reason of the [grievous] times not so conven- 

But the petitioners were not to be baffled by an answer 
like this. Accordingly, again they presented their case by 
another petition, dated May 26, 1708-9. This second peti- 
tion sets forth the case thus : — 

The Humble Petition of Several of the Inhabitants of the town of Sud- 
bury, on the west side of the River. 

To Court session assembled May 26 th 170f showeth that your Peti- 
tioners lately by their Petition to the Great and General Assembly, rep- 
resented the hardships & Difficulties they Labored when by reason of 
their distance from the meeting house and the difficulty of getting over 
the water and Some times Impossibility, there being three hundred and 
sixty five on that'side and sometimes in the winter not one of them can 
possibly go to meeting, the East and West sides are Equal in their pay- 
ments to the minister and therefore praying they might be made a Pre- 
cinct and have a meeting house and minister of their side of the River, 
wherupon the petition was refered to a committee who upon Considera- 
tion of the premises (as your petitioners are Informed) have made a 
Report to this Great and General assembly that the thing was necessary 
to be done, but their opinion is that now by reason of Troublesome 
Times not so Conveniant. 

Your [Petitioners] thereupon humbly pray that this great and General 
assembly would please to Grant them the Prayer of their petition, that 
they may be Empowered to build a meeting house and have a minister 
settled on their side, in such time as to this Great and General Assem- 
bly shall seem meet and Yo r Petitioners (and as in duty bound) shall 
pray, John Brigham, John Balcom. In behalf of ye rest. 

This petition was more successful, and obtained, in part 
at least, what it sought ; and the following, read in council, 
the 28th of May, 1708, and read a second time and concurred 
in, June 24th, the same year, was ordered : — 


Notwithstanding the present difficulties represented by the commit- 
tee, If the Inhabitants on West side the River think themselves able to 
Erect a meeting House and support a minister and shall present a Sub- 
scription to this Court amounting to fifty pounds per annum for his 
maintenance during the first seven years, 

That then the Prayer of their Petition be Granted, to bee a Parish or 
Precinct by themselves. And that they have liberty to erect a meeting 
house for the Public worship of God, and to invite and procure a Learned 
Orthodox minister of good conversation to preach to them. 

Always Saving Inviolate, and in no ways Infringing the Contract and 
agreement of the Town made with Mr. Loring, the present minister, and 
his maintenance, to be duly paid him accordingly, until the Town in 
General shall make other Provision or the Court take further Order. 

But, although the petitioners received permission to build 
a meeting-house, years elapsed before they availed themselves 
of the privilege. Meanwhile the subject was more or less 
agitated. Various measures for the adjustment of matters 
were proposed, and failed. At one time there was action by 
the town, at another by the Court. In 1712-13 there was a 
town-meeting, " to see if the town will do any thing to bring 
the house into y e center of y e town, or within a quarter of a 
mile of y e centre, or as near y e centre as may be conveniant, 
y e town of Sudbury being seven miles long, and y e meeting 
house as it now standeth but about a mile and half from 
y e east end of said town." 

In December, 1715, a committee was appointed by the 
Court, who assigned a place for the meeting-house. Tradi- 
tion states that a spot about a mile northeasterly of Sudbury 
Centre, and not far from the Thomas Plympton estate, was 
once designed for the meeting-house. This may have been 
the place assigned by the committee of 1715. In 1720 the 
town voted to remain an entire town ; to have a meeting- 
house on the west side of the river sufficiently large to 
accommodate all, and to have it built at or near the Gravel 

June 9, 1721, it was ordered by the General Court that 
" a new meeting house be erected, built, and finished upon 
the place assigned by a committee assigned by y e s d Court, in 
Dec. 1715, and that y e old meeting house be put into good 
repair." At a town-meeting, Dec. 26, 1721, held at the house 


of Mr. George Pitts, it was agreed " to grant 24 pounds for 
preaching for the present on the westerly side of the river." 
It was also decided at that meeting to choose a committee to 
present a petition to the General Court, "that y e west side 
inhabitants may have liberty to place their meeting house on 
y e rocky plaine ; " which request was granted. 

The preliminary work of forming two parochial precincts 
was now completed ; it only remained to adjust ecclesiastical 
relations to the new order of things, and provide whatever 
was essential to its success. The church was to be divided, 
ministers secured, and a meeeting-house built. All these 
came about in due time. After the decision, in December, 

1721, " to have the preaching of the word amongst us," and 
the granting of money to meet the expense, Rev. Mr. Minot 
was invited to preach six Sabbaths in the west precinct. It 
may be that about this time Mr. Loring preached some on 
the west side, since on the town debt, as recorded April 9, 

1722, there stands this statement : " To Mr. Israel Loring to 
y e supporting y e ministry on both [sides] y e river in Sud- 
bury 80. 0. 0." 

But more permanent arrangements were soon made. On 
the 6th of June, 1722, they extended a call to Rev. Israel 
Loring, and offered "£100 for his settlement." July 10, Mr. 
Loring responded to the invitation in the following words : 
"To the Inhabitants of the west Precinct in Sudbury: I 
accept of the kind invitation you have given me to come 
over and settle and be the minister of the Westerly Pre- 
cinct." A few days after the above invitation the east side 
invited him to remain with them, and took measures to pro- 
vide for "their now settled minister, Mr. Israel Loring." 
The day after replying to the first invitation, he wrote to 
the east side people informing them of his decision to leave 
them and settle in the west precinct. Mr. Loring moved to 
the west side, July 25, 1723. (Stearns' Collection.) He 
lived about a mile toward the north part of the town, in 
what was afterwards an old red house, on the William Hunt 
place that was torn down some years since. He subse- 
quently lived at the centre, on what is known as the 
Wheeler Haynes place. 

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The church records by Mr. Loring state as follows: "Feb. 
11, 1723. The church met at nvy house, where, after the 
brethren on the east side had manifested their desire that 
the church might be divided into two churches, it was so 
voted by majority." At the time of the division of the 
church, the number of communicants on the west side was 
thirty-two males and forty-two females. (Stearns' Collec- 
tion.) The Church Records went into the possession of the 
West Parish. On March 18, 1724-5, the west side people 
"entered into and renewed" a "holy church covenant," to 
which were subscribed the following names : — 

Israel Loring David Haynes. 

Hopestill Brown Peter Plympton. 

James Haynes Sen r Noah Clap 

John Clap Sen r Ephraim Pratt 

Thomas Read Sen 1 " Joseph Noyes 

Peter Haynes. John Moore. 

Benjaman Wright, Daniel Estabrooke 

Joseph Goodenow Hopestill Brown Jun. 

John Rice, James Craige, 

Samuel Willis. Joseph Brown. 

Thomas Read Jun. Jonah Haynes. 

John Brigham, Micah Stone. 

John Haynes. Ebenezer Dakin. out of town. 

David Parmenter, John Clap Jr. 

Joseph Gibbs, dismissed, Peter Noyes, 

David Maynard. James Haynes. 

While ecclesiastical matters were in process of adjustment 
on the West side, they were progressing towards a settlement 
on the East side also. It is stated that the East Precinct 
was organized June 25, 1722. (Temple.) When the effort 
to secure the services of Mr. Loring proved futile, a call was 
extended to Rev. William Cook, a native of Hadley, Mass., 
and a graduate of Harvard College. The call being accepted, 
Mr. Cook was ordained March 20, 1723, and continued their 
pastor until his death, Nov. 12, 1760. (See period 1750- 
1775.) The town granted eighty pounds to support preach- 
ing on both sides of the river for half a year. 



An important matter in connection with the new order of 
things was the erection of new meeting-houses. This work 
received prompt attention. u At a town meeting January 
22: 172| the town grunted five hundred pounds to build a 
new meeting house on the west side, and repair the old one 
on the east side, three hundred and eighty pounds for the 
new, and one hundred and twenty pounds for the repairing 
the old on the east side." The sum for repairing the old 
house was at a subsequent meeting made one hundred and 
fifty pounds. That this grant of the town was followed up 
by speedy action is indicated by the following receipt, dated 
Sudbury, May 31, 1725: — 

Received of Deacon Noah Clap treasurer for the town of Sudbury, 
ten pounds four shillings and four pence, in full of all accounts relating 
to the building of the new meeting house in the west precinct of said 

This ten pounds, four shillings, and four pence, and former receipts 
of money, making the sum of four hundred pounds, we say received 
by us. Abraham Wood, 

Joseph Dakin. 

The meeting-house in the West Precinct was placed on 
the site of the present Unitarian Church in Sudbury Center. 
The location was probably selected because central to the 
inhabitants of the West Precinct. The following town rec- 
ord is interesting, not only because it relates to the location 
of the meeting-house, but to other familiar landmarks in the 
vicinity: — 

Sudbury. June 12: 1725. laid out to the right of Briant Pendleton, 
sixteen acres and one hundred and forty rods on and adjoining to the 
Pine Hill, near to and Northwesterly of the meeting house on Rocky 
Plain in the west precinct in said Sudbury, southerly partly by a high- 
way, or road leading from Pantry towards Mr. Wood's mills (at South 
Sudbury), along by said meeting house, partly by land laid out for a 
burying place and accommodations for and about said meeting house, 
and partly by Lancaster road, westerly by land claimed by the Grouts 
and northerly bounded by land claimed by James Craigs. In part and 
partly by land claimed by the Maynards, and easterly bounded by said 
Maynards land. 


There is no evidence that when the West side meeting- 
house was built there was so much as a humble hamlet at 
Rocky Plain. The presence there at that time of a single 
house is all that is indicated by tradition or record. In sev- 
eral instances the records state something about "y e new 
house on rocky plain." In May, 1722, there was a town- 
meeting at the new house on Rocky Plain. Oct. 11, 1722, 
"a meeting was held at the new house on rocky plain " to 
attend to matters relating to a new meeting-house. The 
first town-meeting that was held in the new church edifice 
was on Aug. 5, 1723. At that time it was voted to have the 
warnings for town-meetings for the future posted on both 
sides of the river at the two houses of worship. 

Near the spot selected for the meeting-house was the 
burying-ground set apart by " y e Proprietors of y e undivided 
lands " in 1716-17. (See p. 121.) This reservation may 
have influenced the people in the selection of Rocky Plain 
for the new meeting-house ; and the erection of the meeting- 
house there probably determined the location of the central 
village of the West Precinct, and in later years of the town 
of Sudbury. Furthermore, if the town at this time had 
decided to remain one parish, and erected a meeting-house 
near the Gravel Pit, for the accommodation of all, the prin- 
cipal village would have been gathered in that locality, and 
the town might have remained undivided to this day. 

After the setting off of the West parish, it was considered 
advisable to move the East side meeting-house nearer the 
centre of the East Precinct. Jan. 29, 1721-2, "the town by 
a vote showed its willingness and agreed to be at the charge 
to pull down y e old meeting house and remove it south and 
set it up again." At the same meeting they chose a com- 
mittee to petition the General Court for permission. In a 
paper dated Dec. 28, 1724, and signed by Mr. Jennison, 
Zechariah Heard, and Phineas Brintnal, it is stated that they 
were " the committee who pulled down and removed the old 
meeting house in the East Precinct of Sudbury." About 
1725 was recorded the following receipt: "Received of Mr. 
John Clap, late treasurer of the town of Sudbury, the sum 
of four hundred pounds in full, granted by said town to 


carry on the building of a meeting house in the East Pre- 
cinct in said town. We say received by us, Joshua Haynes, 
Ephraim Curtis, John Noyes, Samuel Graves, Jonathan Rice, 
Committee." This building was located at what is now 
Wayland Centre, on the corner lot just south of the old 
Town House. The town instructed the committee "to make 
it as near as they can like the new house in the West Pre- 
cinct, except that the steps " are to be hansomer : " it was 
also to have the same number of pews. There is on record 
the following description of material used for one of the pul- 
pits, together with the price : — 

Seaming fringe = 10 = 

4 Tassels. 1 = 4 = 

2 yards very fine Silk Plush 2 = = 0. 

If yds Tickn for the Cushn = 7 = 7. 

4 lbs. finest feathers, a. f 8 : = 11 = 3. 

Making Cushn pm & filling = 1 = 6. 

Thus at last both precincts were provided with new meet- 
ing-houses, and a matter was settled that had occasioned 
much interest and more or less activity for nearly a quarter 
of a century. Doubtless participants in the affair at the 
beginning and during its progress had passed away, and 
before its settlement worshipped in a temple not made with 
hands, whose Builder and Maker is God. The intercourse 
between the two precincts was pleasant, and for a while the 
ministers exchanged once a month. For years the salaries 
of the two pastors were equal, and again and again is there a 
receipt on the town book for eighty pounds for each. 



Queen Anne's War; Attendant Hardships. — Father Ralle's War; East- 
ern Expedition, List of Sudbury Soldiers. — Ranger Service ; Its 
Nature. — Death of Samuel Mossman. — Imperilled Condition of Rut- 
land. — Death of Rev. Joseph Willard by the Indians. — Petition 
for Assistance. — List of Sudbury Soldiers at Rutland. — Captain 
Wright's Letter. — Lieut. William Brintnall ; His Letter. — Province 
Loans. — River Meadow. — Causeway. — Roads. — Miscellaneous. 

Straggling rangers, worn with dangers, 
Homeward faring, weary strangers 

Pass the farm-gate on their way ; 
Tidings of the dead and living, 
Forest march and ambush giving, 
Till the maidens leave their weaving, 

And the lads forget their play. 


While ecclesiastical matters were in process of adjust- 
ment in Sudbury, and business was being transacted to fur- 
ther the blessed gospel of peace, the community was again 
stirred by the rude sounds of strife. The red hand of war 
was once more outstretched for destruction, and requisitions 
for both material and men were again made on the New 
England towns. The first war of the period was Queen 
Anne's, so called from Anne of Denmark, who had ascended 
the throne of Great Britain. It was waged between England 
and France, and, like that of King William, continued about 
ten years. The province, to an extent, conducted the war by 
campaigns. In 1704, Col. Benjamin Church marched to make 
an attack on Acadia. He commanded a force of about five 
hundred men, and designed also to attack the Indians of the 



Penobscot and Passamaquody. In 1710 an expedition was 
formed, commanded by General Nicholson, which recovered 
Port Royal. In 1711 a campaign was arranged for the cap- 
ture of Quebec. For these, and other warlike undertakings, 
the resources of the provincial towns were drawn upon ; and 
the taxation, deprivation, and loss attendant on these succes- 
sive drafts became a grievous burden. 

During these years Sudbury had its part to bear. Although, 
being removed from the border it did not suffer attack, it 
had seasons of suspense. In 1706 it was rumored that a 
large force was coming to New England ; and Chelmsford, 
Groton, and Sudbury were alarmed. The next year the 
enemy approached Groton and Marlboro, but still left Sud- 
bury unmolested. The town is mentioned in a province 
resolve of May, 1704-5, where it is ordered " that such and 
so many of the soldiers enlisted in the military companies 
and troops within the respective towns and districts herein 
after named, shall each of them at [his] own charge be pro- 
vided with a pair of good serviceble snow shoes, mogginsons, 
at or before the tenth of November this present year, which 
they shall keep in good repair and fit for the service." 
(State Archives, Vol. I., p. 247.) 

The testimony of the town concerning the hardship of 
the period is given in a protest before quoted, in which the 
people set forth, as a reason why the parish should not be 
divided, " the Vast Expenses which the present wars and 
expeditions attending the same calls and may call for." 

Peace came in 1713, by the treaty made at Utrecht, and 
for a time the land had rest. 

But the cessation of Indian hostilities that followed Queen 
Anne's War and the Peace of Utrecht was not long contin- 
ued. The war-path was soon again to be trod by the savage, 
and his freshly made trail was to be followed by the white 
man to bring back the captives or recover the spoil. The 
cause of the second war of this period was the encroachments 
of the savage tribes in the east. The Indians in the eastern 
part of the province (Maine), instigated, as is supposed, by 
the Governor General of Canada, and by the Jesuits coming 
among them, sought to prevent English inhabitants from a 


reoccupation of the former settlements. For this object, 
the Cape Sable and Penobscot Indians joined with the tribes 
of the Kennebeck and Saco. 

This savage alliance meant hardship to the frontier whites. 
Predatory bands of the foe lurked in the dark woodlands, 
and parts of the province were again kept on the watch. 
Sudbury was in no instance assailed, but its soldiers did ser- 
vice in other parts. It had men in the eastern expedition, 
which was fitted out in 1724, to operate against the Indians 
on the Kennebeck. Upon this river, at Norridgewock, there 
was an Abenaki village, which had been to the English a 
source of trouble, and it was determined to destroy it. 
When the troops arrived, the place was found in an 
unguarded condition. Ralle, the Jesuit missionary, who 
had been the chief instigator of the Indian atrocities, fell 
dead in the furious affray. The chiefs Mogg and Bomazeen 
also perished, and the tribe was vanquished. Among the 
soldiers in the eastern expedition are the following, who 
were in three different companies : — 

Elijah Willis, Jas. Maynard, 

Isaac Rice, Barth Stephenson, 

John Gould, Sargent, Joseph Woodward, 

John Barker, Clerk, Nathan Walker. 
Thomas Gates. 

(State Archives, Vol. XCIII., pp. 131-46.) 


Sudbury rendered the country service, not only by its sol- 
diers in the conspicuous campaign, but also by its rangers 
in a less ostensible service, made up of such marchings and 
scoutings as helped to harass and hinder the foe. They 
ranged the frontier as a faithful border guard, and stood 
between homestead and savage invaders, who lurked ready 
to swoop down on the defenseless home, and make captive 
or kill the inmates. 

In this service one of the Sudbury men lost his life under 
peculiarly sad and touching circumstances. Says the narra- 
tor : "At evening one of our men viz: Samuel Mossman of 


Sudbury, being - about encamping, took hold of his gun that 
stood among some Bushes, drew it towards him with the 
muzzle towards him, some Twigg caught hold of the Cock, 
the Gun went off and shot him through, he died immedi- 
ately." (Letter of John White to the authorities. State 
Archives, Vol. LXXIL, p. 230.) Thus a lone grave in the 
wilderness was prepared for a soldier of Sudbury. What 
other instances of accident, hardship, and loss may have been 
sustained in service like this, there are none now to relate ; 
but the very nature of this border warfare is suggestive of 
hardship, of hair-breadth escapes, of exposure to wilderness 
perils, to rough weather and the tricks of a war}' foe. 

One place in which Sudbury soldiers did valuable service 
at this time was Rutland. This town was frontier territory, 
and for thirty years had suffered more or less from savage 
incursions. As has been noticed, it was settled largely by 
people from Sudbury (see Chap. IX.); and naturally the 
town would be interested in their kinsmen or former citi- 

About the time of which we write, several of the inhabi- 
tants had been killed or captured. Among the former was 
their minister, Rev. Joseph Willard. The circumstances at- 
tending this death were peculiarly sad. Mr. Willard had 
been called to the ministry of the Rutland church, and 
was to have been ordained in the fall. One day in August, 
being out with his gun hunting, or to collect fodder for his 
cattle, he was suddenly beset by two Indians. They fired 
upon him, but without effect. He returned the fire, wound- 
ing one of them ; the other closed in for a hand-to-hand 
fight, when three more Indians came to his assistance, and 
together they gained the mastery, and killed and scalped 
their victim. 

Such was the exposed condition of the early settlers at 
Rutland in this gloomy period. February, 1724-5, they sent 
a petition to Governor Dummer for help, in which they 
stated that "the summer previous they laboured under great 
difficulty & hardship by reason of the Avar with the Indian 
enemy, and not being able to raise their corn and other pro- 


visions, so that they were obliged to travel near twenty miles 
for the same, and purchase it at a very dear rate, which ren- 
der it very difficult to subsist themselves and their families, 
more especially ye soldiers posted there." They desired that 
more might be added to the five soldiers already allowed 

This indicates the imperilled condition of the place. Pred- 
atory bands were lurking about it. The woodlands were a 
covert from which the savage might suddenly sally, and in 
whose dark forest retreat he might safety secure his prey. 
At any time the people might suffer attack. Their harvest, 
their homes, their households, were alike liable to be devas- 
tated and swept away. But strong men were sent to defend 
them, stout hearts were soon there ; and to a large extent 
these came from the town of Sudbury. Again and again 
were detachments sent from the place. Some of the soldiers 
for this service were under the command of Capt. Samuel 
Willard. In his journal he speaks of mustering at the town 
of Lancaster one day, and moving on to Rutland the next; 
of laying by in foul weather, of marching back and forth 
through the country, and of seeing and following the signs 
of Indians. The service spoken of was from July to August, 
1725. In the course of his narrative he speaks of William 
Briritnall being sick, and of David How being lame, both 
of whom he sent home. (State Archives, Vol. XXXVIII., 
pp. 109, 110.) These two men were soldiers from Sudbury. 
Another commander under whom the Sudbury soldiers served 
was Capt. Samuel Wright. (See p. 170.) On a muster-roll 
of Captain Wright, read in Council, June 17, 1724, are the 
following names of Sudbury men who had served for several 
months : — 

Daniel How, Lieut. Hugh Ditson, 

Corp. Joseph Bennet, W m Thompson, 

John Norcross, Gentl. Jon a Stanhope, 

Isaac Gibbs, Daniel Bowker. 

Amnill Weeks, servant to Samuel Stevens. 

In another muster-roll, consented to in 1724, are the fol- 
lowing names : Samuel How, Sergt. Joseph Bennet, Corp. 


Hugh Ditson, William Thompson, John Ross, son to James 
Ross, Amnil Weeks, servant to Samuel Stevens. In another 
muster-roll of Captain Wright, examined in 1725, are the 
names of Serg. Daniel How, Mark Voice [Vose], Daniel 
Mackdonald, Richard Burk. Other rolls examined in 1725 
have the names of Daniel Bowker, Abner Cutler, Charles 
Adams, Elias Parmenter, and Pegin, a Natic Indian. (State 
Archives, Vol. XCI.) 

It was in the year 1724 that an occurence took place which 
shows the perils of the times, and the nature of the service 
to which our rangers were called. Says Captain Wright in 
a letter to the Court : — 

These are to inform your Honors that what I feared is come upon us 
for want [of men] to guard us at our work, this day about 12 o'clock five 
men and a boy [were] making hay in the middle of the town. 

A number of Indians surrounded them and shot first at the boy which 
alarmed the men, who ran for their guns, but the Indians shot upon 
them, and kept them from their guns, and shot down three of the men 
and wounded another in the arm, who got home, the fifth got home with- 
out any damage. 

The men that are killed are James Clark, Joseph Wood, Uriah Ward, 
the boy missing is James Clark. 

(State Archives, Vol LXXII.) 

This matter-of-fact report of Captain Wright is vividly 
su""£restive of the nature of that period. The border settle- 
ments knew not when they were safe. There was poor 
encouragement to sow if a foe might destroy the harvest 
or keep the husbandman from its safe ingathering. Yet 
so it was. Spring with its sunshine and showers might 
warm and mellow the soil, the field be well sown, the mid- 
summer ripen the crops, and the time of harvest promise 
gladness and plenty. A noontide stillness rests on the fruit- 
ful fields. The warm, mellow haze of the early autumnal 
day enwraps nature about, and the landscape is tranquil in 
the mild air of a New England Fall. All is quiet, save for 
the motion of the busy harvesters as, moving about amid the 
rustling maize, they cut the stalks or gather the corn. But 
the whole scene may suddenly change ; like the haymakers 
mentioned by Captain Wright, so these harvesters, all uncon- 


scious of what is near, may be startled by the rushing of sav- 
age feet, and, before they can make any defense, be slain or 
carried captive to a far-off place. 

Before the service closed, William Brintnall, whose name 
has been prominent on the muster-lists, was assigned to the 
leadership of the little company who was to guard Rutland, 
going there as lieutenant. The following is a letter written 
by him to the Governor : — 

Rutland, August 19th 1725. 
Honored sr. After my duty to you presented, these are to inform 
your Honors, that by virtue of the Order I received from you to go to 
Rutland in quest of the Indian Enimies, and Scout about the meadow, 
with twelve volunteers, I have accordingly obeyed said orders, by having 
the twelve men, Eight of which are Capt. Willard's men, and Four who 
I Enlisted and came to Rutland with these on friday Last, and have 
Ever since scouted and guarded the meadow, for ye people in their get- 
ting of hay, we have discovered no signs of Indians as yet, but Expect 
them dayly, for Ensign Stephens is arrived with his son from Canada, 
and saith that ye [there] was a company designed for New England, 
when he came from Canada, he intends to be at Boston with your 
Honor on Monday next, all at present. I remain your Hon 01 "'"* Ever 
Devoted Lieut. Wm Bkintnall. 

The new men who I enlisted are 

Sam u " Goodenow, Paul Brintnall, 

Benj. Dudley, Jonathan Bent. 

Capt. Willard's men are 

William Brintnall, Joshua Parker, 

Dan el How, Jacob Moore, 

Cyprian Wright, James Nutting, 

Delivce Brooks, Thomas Lamb. 
(State Archives, Vol. LXXIL, p. 258.) 

According to the muster-roll of Sergeant Brintnall, he and 
his company of volunteers served from Aug. 17, 1725. Their 
pay was four shillings per day, the time of service ten weeks 
and two days, and their duty to serve as a guard about Rut- 
land. William Brintnall taught school in Sudbury shortly 
before his enlistment in ihe above service. On the town 
book is the following record: "Received of the Constable of 
Sudbury, by order of the town Treasurer, 'all that was Due 
to me for keeping the school in the year 1722: 1723: 1724. 
Signed per William Brintnall Sudbury, Sept. 8, 1726." 


One of the last prominent military acts of this period was 
the disastrous defeat of John Lovewell of Dunstable, by the 
Pigwackets, at the present town of Fryeburg, Me. At about 
this date the tribes ceased hostilities. For a time the war- 
path was abandoned, and it was again safe for the defense- 
less traveller to take the forest trail. 


In order to meet the exigencies of the times, in the year 
1721 the General Court issued a loan to the amount of fifty 
thousand pounds. This Avas to be distributed among the 
several provincial towns, in what were called bills of credit. 
The distribution was according to the taxes paid by the 
towns, and was to be returned to the public treasury within 
a certain length of time. That Sudbury took her share of 
the loan is indicated by several payments which were suc- 
cessively made and a record of receipts received. Of these 
the following is a specimen : — 

Boston August 2 : 17:20. 
Received of the Trustees of the town of Sudbury by Mr. Daniel 
Haynes, one hundred and one pounds, twelve shillings, being the first 
fifth part of their proportion to the ^50,000. Loan. 

Per. Allen, Treasurer. 

From time to time other fifths were paid, and receipts ren- 
dered therefor, until Aug. 12, 1730, when the last fifth was 
paid, and a receipt in full was received. The loan of 1721 
was followed by another a few years later to the amount 
of sixty thousand pounds. The order authorizing it was en- 
acted in 1728, and was called "an act for raising and settling 
public revenues for and defraying the necessary charges of 
the government by an emission of £60,000 in bills of credit." 
(Felt's " Historical Account of Massachusetts Currenc}*," 
p. 84.) Sudbury had a share in this loan also. 

While the attention of the people in this period was largely 
engrossed with educational, ecclesiastical, and military mat- 
ters, the regular, routine business of the town was not neg- 
lected. Aug. 11, 1702, "it was voted, that the Towne would 


send a pettione to the general cort concerning our River 
meadows, that are much damnified by reason of many stop- 
pages, that the Generall Cort would ease us of our tax, or 
choose a committee to see if it may be helpt, the pettione to 
be sined in the name of the towne." This vote was carried 
out, and a petition was sent to the Court jointly by Concord 
and Sudbury. In it they state that they had sustained — 

Grate damage by reason of the water lying on sd meadow whereby 
they are much straitened and incapacited to bear Town and county 
charges, and maintain of their families, and something hath been done 
in order to the Lowering of the water by Removing Rocks and bars of 
sand, and formerly there hath been a committe sent up by the general 
court to view the sd meadow, and they have found the stoppage of water 
may be cleared, but by reason of different apprehensions it hath Layne 
ever since, we therefore humbly pray the Hon 1 Court that it impower a 
committee to see that the work be done forthwith, that so the present 
opportunity may not be neglected, and to set us a way that those persons 
concerned in sd meadow may beare an equal proportion in sd work. 
The court resolved to appoint a committee of persons in Concord, Sub- 
bury and Hillerica fully empowered to order and determine what may be 
necessary for clearing sd meadow. 

In 1710 the town voted to petition the General Court to 
make the long causeway "a county road." Feb. 22, 1714-15, 
it was requested "to see what method the town will take for 
mending and raising the causeway from the Town Bridge to 
Lieut. Daniel Haynes." On June 2, 1720, it was requested 
" to see if the town will raise the causeway from the Gravel 
pit as far as Capt. Ilaynes'es old place, proportionally to the 
aforesaid Long Causewa} r when mended." 

Feb. 25, 1714-15, the town ordered that it would choose 
a committee of three men to join with Concord to view the 
obstructions and stopages in the great river. 

In 1723-4 a way was laid out from Lanham to the west 
meeting-house. According to the records, "the latter part 
of said way, bounded as follows, viz. through the ministerial 
land, near the southwesterly corner, and so on, something 
northwesterly. From thence it went, in a straight line, to 
Nathaniel Rice's, and so northerly, to the highway leading 
to Lancaster, near the new meeting house." It is now 
known as the Old Graves Road, so called from a house 


which stood just south of the Old Lancaster Road, at its 
intersection with this one. 

Dec. 14, 1715, the town voted that " there be a horse 
bridge built on Assabeth river : : : and that the selectmen 
do order that ye bridge be erected and built over assabath 
river between ye land of Timothy Gilson and Thomas Burt's 
land." In 1717-18 the town voted that it would have u * a 
New bridge built over Sudbury river where the old bridge 
now stands, at the end of the long Causeway." 

About 1715 a statement is made in relation to three pounds 
for providing " a burying cloth, for ye towns use." 

In 1722 there is reference to two padlocks, — one for the 
pound, another for the stocks, — indicating that the unruly 
were subject to restraint and discipline. 

May 13, 1723, it was voted to choose a committee to pre- 
sent a petition to the General Court " to prevent y e stopage 
of y e fish in Concord and Sudbury river." 



Highways. — Bridges. — Schools. — Movement for a New Township; 
Remonstrances. — Petition Relating to the River Meadows. — Sale 
of Peter Noyes's Donation of the Hop Brook Mill. — Gratuities to 
the Ministers. — Miscellaneous Matters. 

The years with change advance. 


The period upon which we now enter was an eventful 
one throughout the whole country. Three governors, Bur- 
nett, Belcher, and Shirley, bore rule. Burnett died in 1729, 
Belcher left office in 1740, and Shirley entered upon the 
office in 1741. During the latter part of this period war 
again called to the front the provincial forces, and the 
towns were to hear its stern voice and to feel its rude 
shock. Before, however, the season of strife set in, there 
was a brief season of peace. During this respite the town 
made advancement. The tokens of increasing prosperity 
were manifest in the construction of highways and bridges, 
and the attention given to miscellaneous matters. 


Of these improvements we will notice, first, those relating 
to highways. This subject had more prominence than in the 
preceding period, the reasons for which are obvious ; as time 
passed on new clearings were made upon which to locate 
new homes, and new homes perhaps demanded new roads. 
The last period was one of war ; new facilities may have 
been postponed till better times. Furthermore, the forma- 
tion of the west precinct doubtless called for new roads. 
With a meeting-house at Rocky Plain, and a community 
beginning to gather, new paths were to be opened to it. 



In 1735-6 a way is mentioned as " beginning- at Marl- 
borough road, at Mr. Abraham Woods shop until it comes 
to Lieut. John Haynes." About the same time is the state- 
ment of a change of highway from Whale's Bridge over 
Pine Plain (Wayland), a part of which way is spoken of in 
connection with Jonathan Grout's land. In 1736 a new 
highway is spoken of over Pine Brook at John Grout's. 
In 1733 the town accepted of a road "laid out by Samuel 
Dakins to Concord line, and so into the road leading to Stow 
by Mr. Jonathan Browns in sd town." Also at the same 
meeting "a way for the upper end of little Gulf at Mr. 
Samuel Noyes land by David Maynards to Pantry Bridge." 
In 1734 a way was laid out "from Landham to Sudbury part 
of the way to go through the land of John Goodnow and 
part land of Isaac Reed." About 1735-o a way is spoken of 
" from Landham to the Clay pits on the east side of Paul 
Brintnal's barn." During this period " Zackriah Hurd was 
to make a new way lastly laid out by John Grout's by a 
Jury," "a substantial, passable County Road." In 1742 a 
highway was " accepted for the County road by the town 
bridge to Sedge meadow." The next year Eliab Moore was 
allowed "to set up gates or bars and fence from the highway 
leading from the town bridge to Sedge meadow." Towards 
the end of the period a highway is spoken of "from Honey 
Pot Brook through Jabez Puffer's land." In 1728 the town 
accepted of a highway "from the centre road by the house 
of Joseph Moore by the training field till it come into the 
Concord road." In 1729-30 it was voted " to accept the 
way laid out from Thomas Smiths to the west meeting 
house." This was to go "through Pantry." In 1730 men- 
tion is made of a way from " Non sidge round hill by Peter 
Bent's into town." Also a highway is spoken of from 
Lancaster road "beginning at Mr. Peter Plympton's land 
leading into Gulf neck, by David Parmenters and Uriah 
Wheelers, by the training field, and so into same road at 
Lake end." A way is also spoken of in 1729, in the east 
precinct of Sudbury, " from Non Such Round hill to the 
meeting house in said Precinct." In this period there is 
mentioned a road " from the New bridge, by Mr. Joseph 


Stones In sd Towne to the road leading to Framinoham 
by Mr. Benjamin Stones In sd town." 

As might be expected, when so much attention was paid 
to the highways, the causeways and bridges were not neg- 
lected. In 1733 two men were to repair the bridge at the 
east side of the causeway, " so as } r e said butments may not 
be washed down or be carried away by ye floods as in times 
past." In 1735 new plank was provided "for the Grat bridg 
at the East End of the Long Causewa." About 1743 a sub- 
scription was made for a bridge between the land of "John 
Haynes on the west side the river and John Woodward on 
the east side the river, and Mr. Edward Sherman and John 
Woodward, agreed, if the subscribers would erect the bridge, 
to give a good and conveniant way, two rods wide through 
their land." In 1747 Jonathan Rice rebuilt Lanham Bridge, 
and received for the same five pounds. The next year there 
is a record as follows : " To Matthew Gibbs for Rum & for 
raising Landham Bridge 12 Shillings." In 1726-7 it was 
voted to expend on the " long causeway from the town 
bridge to the gravel pit one hundred pounds." In 1729 the 
town voted to build a new bridge at the east end of the long 
causeway. In connection with this record we have the two 
following of about the same date: that "part of the effects 
of the old meeting house " was to be paid toward the build- 
ing of the bridge over Sudbury River. The other is this 
report of the committee chosen by the town to build a 
bridge at the eastern end of the long causeway: "To David 
Baldwin for frame of Bridge, 37 pounds. To twelve men to 
raise said bridge, who went into ye water 3 pounds." Other 
items were given, among which is this: "For Drink &c. 
o s l d ." (Date, 1729.) On the town records, dated Nov. 28, 
1730, is the following : " Received of the selectmen of said 
town [Sudbury] four pounds and ten shillings in full dis- 
charge for building a bridge for said town over the brook by 
Mr. Abraham Woods in Sudbury [South Sudbury]. I say 
received per John Goodnow." 

During this period educational advantages were on the 
gain. In 1732 a school-house was built on the east side. 


In 1735 the town voted thirty pounds for the support of 
public schools. The next year the town granted twenty 
pounds for the out-schooling in said town, three parts for 
the west and two for the east side of the river. In 1733 the 
committee were instructed " not to exceed sixty pounds for 
the schools ye year ensuing." In 1734 it voted thirty pounds 
for the grammar school in Sudbury; also voted that their 
representative present a petition to the General Court in 
behalf of the town for a school-farm in some of the unappro- 
priated land. In 1734 it "granted 30 pounds to support 
schools at the school house, and twenty pounds for and 
towards schools in the out parts or quarters of s d town for 
that year.' In 1735-6 Amos Smith asked to have the gram- 
mar school removed into the several out-parts of the town 
"for the futer;" but the town voted in the negative. In 
1740 it was ordered that the grammar school should be kept 
" in the five remote corners of the town, as it hath formerly 
been from the 8 th day of December until ye end of October 
next." In 1747 the town voted that the schools should be 
kept at five places, "at the school house near Nathan Good- 
now's, at that near Israel Mosses, and at or near the house 
of Mr. Elijah Haynes, at or near the house of Dea. James 
Brewer as can conveniantly Bee, and y e school belonging to 
y e farm near Mr. Smiths." Thus former school privileges 
were still kept up, while new opportunities were extended to 
districts more remote. 


While the town was thus making perceptible progress, 
and the tokens of wholesome prosperity were appearing here 
and there, an occurrence arose which was thought to be por- 
tentous of undesirable things. This was an attempt, in the 
year 1739-40, by a portion of the Sudbury inhabitants to 
colonize and become a new town. The movement was made 
jointly by parties from Framingham, Sudbury, Marlboro, and 
Stow. A petition was sent by them to the General Court, 
March 14, 1739, in which they ask to be made a "separate 
Township, invested with proper liberties and privileges, and 
as such proposing our centre at a pine tree with a heap of 


stones round it." The reasons they gave were that " we 
have for a long time been greatly incommoded, and labored 
undere great difficulties as to an attendance on ye means of 
grace, publickly dispensed, by reason of ye great distance 
from ye place of ye public worship in ye towns to which we 
respectively belong, some of our houses being three, four, 
five and six miles therefrom, and ye roads very difficult espe- 
cially at some seasons of ye year." They further state " we 
apprehend ourselves capable by the blessing of Heaven on 
our lawful endeavor to support ye charges y* may accrue." 
This was signed by forty-three persons. The Court received 
the petition, and by an act of the House of Representatives, 
March 14, 1739, it was ordered that the petitioners "serve 
the towns represented by it with a copy of the petition, that 
they might be present at the next May session, and show 
cause, if they had such, why it should not be granted." 
(State Archives, Vol. XII., p. 137.) 

Sudbury was duly represented at the appointed time. 
The town voted, May, 19, 1740, "that Capt. John Haynes 
& Mr. John Woodward Be a committee fully impowered in 
the town's behalf To go to the Great & General Court or 
assembly to give our reasons why ye prayer of the Petition 
of Sundry inhabitants of Sudbury, Framingham and Stow 
should not be granted as set forth in the petition." When 
the case was called up by the Court, the delegates in behalf 
of the town presented the protest. In the document that 
contains it they set forth several reasons why the petition of 
David Howe and other inhabitants of Sudbury, Marlboro, 
Framingham, and Stow, dated March 14, 1739, should not 
be granted. They state that " there in an uncertainty " 
about the petition ; that the town does not know what 
damage it is likely to sustain by loss of population or land ; 
that to weaken the town would tend to discourage the min- 
isters, who have several times applied for more salary, which 
would very readily be granted if the ability of the town would 
admit of the same. They refer to the — 

Very great charge that the town hath lately been at in building 2 
meeting houses, 2 school houses, and settling 2 ministers together with 
several great bridges and sundry long and difficult causeways, which 


with the continual accompanying changes of the said town, make the 
burthen in a great measure insupportable on many of the inhabitants, 
and if any should be taken from said town, it would make the burthen 
still heavier. That the meeting house on the west side of Sudbury river 
was placed by a committee of this Hon. Court, where the Petitioners 
desired it, and that they signed to the place where the meeting house 
now standeth with their own hands, and yet many of the inhabitants on 
the west side of said River, live at a greater distance, from the west 
meeting house than any of the Petitioners. The very great difficulties 
that the town of Sudbury is under by reason of the floods that in the 
summer season often overflow our meadows, and so damage our hay and 
grain, that makes many of the inhabitants of said town so weak, that 
instead of bearing charges in the town apply themselves for relief, all 
which reasons and considerations lay the town of Sudbury under a 
necessity of claiming those privileges granted to them by the Royal 
Charter in the following words, viz. That all and any land, tenements, 
hereditaments, and all other estate, which any person or persons, or bod- 
ies, politic or Corporate Towns, do hold or enjoy or ought to hold and 
enjoy, within the bounds aforesaid, by or under any grant or estate duly 
made or granted by any General Court formerly held, or by any other 
lawful right or title whatever shall be by such Towns their Respective 
Heirs, successors, assigns, forever hereafter held and enjoyed according 
to the Import and patent of such respective grant. 

We therefore pray this Hon. Court to take the Premises into ye wise 
consideration and dismiss the before recited Petition, and so resting we 
Crave leave to subscribe our Selves your Excellency's and Honor's most 
humble servants, who as in duty bound shall ever pray. 

T TT i Committee 

John Haynes / 

John Woodward ( ° r 

) Sudbury. 

A remonstance to the petition was also sent by the town 
of Framingham, and the request of the petitioners for a new 
township was not granted. 


July 15, 1742, a petition was presented, signed by Israel 
Loring and about seventy-five others, relating to the river 
meadows. It was directed to His Excellency, William 
Shirley, Esq., Captain General and Governor, and was as 
follows : — 

The petition of us who are the subscribers, who are the major part of 
owners and propriters of the meadows lying upon the river called Con- 
cord and Sudbury River, Humbly showeth, that wheras your petitioners 


have and do often times suffer very great damages both in our hay as 
well as our grass, by reason of the floods which hath and do very often 
over flow and stand a long time upon our said meadows, and great cause 
whereof as we humbly conceive in the many bars and stoppages which 
are in the river, and sundry of these within the bounds of Concord and 
Sudbury, whereof our humble request is that your Excellency and 
Honors would be pleased to appoint for a relief, as in your great wis- 
dom you shall think best, commissioners of sewers (as the law directs in 
such causes) with full power to act and do for our relief what may be 
thought by them in our case needful and necessary for the removal of 
said bars and stoppages that are in the said river &c, all which is humbly 
submitted, and your petitioners as in duty bound shall ever pray. (State 
Archives, Vol. CV., p. 209.) 

There was a further list of sixty-two names given in an 
additional part, dated December, 1742, accompanied by a 
statement that the signers did not have opportunity to sign 
the first petition. 


In 1699 the town chose a committee to receive a donation 
given by Mr. Peter Noyes, late of Sudbury, to the poor of 
the town. This donation consisted of his mill. After the 
town took possession of this property, it was leased for a 
term of years to Mr. Abraham Wood. On the town record 
is the following reason for granting this lease : — 

Wheras the tovvne taking into consideration the gift that Ensign 
Peter Noyes hath given to ye poore of our towne namely ye mills, com- 
monly called by ye name of ye new mills, with ye lands and privilleges 
belonging to ye same and being sensible that ye letting of it yearly, will 
be a means to bring ye sd mills and housen to decay and in time utter 
ruine, in which will be a great wrong to our poore, and that will not 
answer ye end of ye (Townes) doner, Therefore in respect to both [him] 
and our own good which is involved in ye same, we therefore by a vote, 
grant liberty to them that are concerned as to ye disposal of said gift, to 
dispose of it for years as they shall see cause for ye benefit and in behalf 
of ye poore of ye towne of Sudbury. 

March ye 19 th , 1700. This was passed into an act by ye towne by a 
magger vote. 

In 1728-9 it was voted to sell the mills, and give a deed 
in the name of the town. The heirs of the donor had laid 
claim to a considerable part of his gift ; a lawsuit had com- 


menced, and the town had voted money to defend the prop- 
erty ; the town, therefore, voted to sell the same for the 
sum of seven hundred pounds. The money was to be put 
on interest for the use of the poor, and to be disposed of by 
the selectmen and ministers. The property was purchased 
by Messrs. Abraham Wood, Sen., and Abraham Wood, Jr. 
The following record was made concerning the sale: "These 
may certify that the subscribers, selectmen of the town of 
Sudbury, have received the bonds or security given by Mi- 
Abraham Wood Sen. and Abraham Wood Jun. for seven 
hundred pounds Province Bills, in full of and at the hands 
of Noah Clapp, Uriah Wheeler, and John Ilayns. Barin 
date Mar. 13 th 1728 : 9." 

In 1730-1 the town petitioned the General Court " that 
the Great Bridge over Charles river may not be built, but a 
ferry erected instead." 

The four records following show the kindness the town 
exercised towards its ministers: In 1733 it voted to give 
Rev. Mr. Cook twenty pounds in money towards making up 
for the loss of his barn, which it is said was agreeable to a 
petition of some inhabitants of Sudbury ; it also voted, at 
the same meeting, to give the ministers a gratuity of forty 
pounds each for the year ; in 1734 the town voted that Rev. 
Mr. Minot should have five pounds for preaching three days 
when Mr. Loring was lame ; in 1735 the ministers were to 
have so much as to make their salaries, including the wood, 
a hundred and fifty pounds each of them. 

In 1739 an article was in the warrant " to see if the town 
will grant money to provide more ammunition to the town's 

In 1740 the town "voted to procure another meeting house 
bell as good as the one they had." 

In 1741 the following items were inserted in the town 
book : " To D r Roby for medicine administered to Frank, 
negro woman." "Granted ten pounds for cutting and clear- 
ing the brush growing or standing around the west meeting 
house." Granted twenty pounds for the relief of the [poor 
of the] town. " Granted to Joseph Muggins and Joseph 

The oldest house in South Sudbury, and the author's birthplace. 


Goodnow, to take the care of, arid sweep the meeting houses 
in s d town, and take care of the two school houses in s d town, 
at forty shillings apiece, old tenor, End the year ensuing." 
" To Thomas Reed for what he did for Frank, Negro, in 
y e time of her last sickness." 

In 1746-7 "a committee was chosen to show cause to the 
General session why the wife and children of Edward Joyn 
should not be deemed inhabitants of the town." 

In 1747 " an agent or agents were appointed to prosecute 
such person or persons as have Broken the meeting house 
Bell Belonging to said Town, now hanging in the School 
house near the East meeting house, In said town." 



Third French and Indian War. — Sudbury Soldiers at Cape Breton.— 
Fort No. 4, N.H. — Capt. Phineas Stevens. — Sketch of His Life.—' 
His Service in Connection with the Building and Defense of the Fort. 
■ — Capt. Josiah Brown. — Engagement with French and Indians about 
the Fort. — Petition of Captain Brown. — Petition of Jonathan Stan- 
hope. — Battle between the Forces of Captain Stevens and General 
Debeline. — Expedition of Captain Hobbs. — Battle between the Com- 
mands of Captain Hobbs and Chief Sackett. — Sketch of Capt. Josiah 
Brown. — List of Captain Brown's Troopers. 

He cometh unto you with a tale which holdeth children from play, and 
old men from the chimney-corner. — Sir Philip Sidney. 

Having considered the records of a short interval of peace 
in this period, we again turn to the annals of war. England 
and France were again to engage in strife. This war has 
had various names. It has been called in America " King 


George's War," but in England " The War of the Austrian 
Succession." It has also been called " The Cape Breton 
War," and "The French and Indian War." The latter term 
is appropriate, but might tend to mislead, since other wars 
have occurred with these parties. A suitable term for it may 
be "The Third French War." 

The war was declared in 1744, and continued till the 
peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, in 1748. Its principal event was 
the capture of Louisburg, a French stronghold at Cape Bre- 
ton, which had been called, because of its strength, the 
Gibraltar of America. It had been built since the peace 
treaty of Utrecht, at great expense, but after a forty-nine 
days' siege it fell into the hands of the English. The troops 
for its capture were from Massachusetts, Connecticut, Rhode 
Island, and New Hampshire. The men suffered much before 
the place surrendered, but when the work was at length 
accomplished there was rejoicing throughout the province. 
Sudbury soldiers assisted at the capture of this place. The 
following is a list of some of the men : — 

Samuel Osborne, Silas Balcom, John Underwood, Samuel Balcom, 
John Rice, Reuben Vose, Ruben Moore, John Nixon [at this time of 
Framingham, afterwards of Sudbury], Lieut Estabrook, Lieut. Augustus 
Moore, Abijah Walker, Micah Parmenter, Jas. Balcom, Eben Mossman, 
James Balcom. 

Besides service in connection with this prominent event in 
the war, there was another service with which Sudbury sol- 
diers were connected, which, though less prominent than the 
one just mentioned, was of vast importance to the country. 
This was the work of a border guard, or manning the fron- 
tier forts. As in other contests between England and France, 
when hostilities broke out in America there was a wild border 
conflict with a mixed savage and civilized foe. Tribes not 
friendly to the English, nor bound to them by treaty alle- 
giance, hastened to aid their old allies, the French, in Can- 
ada, and strewed their pathway thither with sad marks of 
their mission and of their impatience to begin the strife. 

A confederation thus formed by the Indians and French 
meant terror to the English frontier. Predatory bands of 


savages again took the trail. The woodlands again resounded 
with their rude shouts; and the sunny hillsides and fair inter- 
vales by the northern New England streams were again trod 
and retrod by the Indian in his sly search for human prey. 

To protect these defenseless places, and form a rendezvous 
into which the people could flee, and at the same time fur- 
nish quarters for such a military guard as might be sent to 
intercept the foe, was of very great importance. To accom- 
plish these objects there was erected by the province and the 
towns a cordon of block-houses and forts. Several of these 
were situated in the vicinity of the Connecticut River, of 
which the most northerly was called No. 4, and was at what 
is now Charlestown, N.H. This fortification was notable for 
the frequent attack and repulse of the enemy. It was in the 
direct track of the French and Indians as they swept down 
from Canada, by way of Lake Champlain and Montreal, on 
their way to the frontier towns of Massachusetts. To take 
this fort was considered of great importance by the enemy, 
who hovered about it as a coveted prize ; and it was of equal 
importance to the English to retain it. 

In the holding of this wilderness fortress, and in military 
operations in the vicinity, Sudbun^ soldiers had a prominent 
share. The commander of the fort was Phineas Stevens, 
a native of Sudbury ; he was a noted Indian fighter, and 
an ambassador to Canada to negotiate for the ransom of 


Mr. Stevens was born Feb. 20, 1706 (see Chap. IX.), and 
went to Rutland with his father, Dea. Joseph Stevens, about 
1719. Aug. 14, 1723, he was taken captive by the Indians, 
and carried to Canada. He was afterwards redeemed, and 
taken home. In 1734 he married his cousin, Elizabeth 
Stevens, of Petersham, Mass. He lived for a time at Rut- 
land, and moved from there to Charlestown, N.H. He was 
a prominent citizen of that place, in both civil and military 
matters, in its early history. His name was on the proprie- 
tors' book about 1743 as a petitioner for a proprietors' meet- 
ing ; and the same year he was on a committee for providing 


a " learned and orthodox minister to preach the Gospel." 
The same year he received a commission as lieutenant of 
militia from Governor Wentworth of New Hampshire. In 
174-4 he was commissioned by Governor Shirley of Massachu- 
setts as lieutenant of volunteers for the defense of the fron- 
tier. The next year he was appointed by the same authority 
as captain for service against the French and Indians. 

Captain Stevens was repeatedly commissioned to go to 
Canada to negotiate for the deliverance of prisoners. In 
1752 he negotiated for the deliverance of John Stark of 
New Hampshire, who was afterwards General Stark who 
commanded the continental forces at the battle of Benning- 
ton. The ransom of Stark was an Indian pony, valued at 
one hundred and three dollars. This amount was paid back 
by Stark in money, which he earned as a hunter on the 
Androscoggin, Maine. 

Since to narrate all the services of Captain Stevens at 
No. 4 and elsewhere in this Avar would take considerable 
space, we will only present a few facts which may set forth 
something of his military history and the arduous nature of 
his work. A settlement was begun at No. 4 about 1740, and 
shortly afterwards Mr. Stevens went there and became one 
of the three proprietors who settled the place. At that time 
No. 4 was the most advanced post of English civilization in 
the northwest. It was surrounded by dense forests, and 
much exposed to the French and Indians in their incursions 
from the north. The foe to which the people were exposed 
was exceedingly fierce and cruel. Such a combination of 
bad qualities as was manifested by the enemy that came 
from Canada was seldom seen. 

FORT NO. 4. 

About three years after the settlement began, the prospect 
of war was so great that the proprietors of No. 4 held a meet- 
ing and decided to erect a fort, and made an assessment to 
meet the expense. Lieutenant Stevens was one of the asses- 
sors to apportion the sum of three hundred pounds towards 
the work. He was also one of a committee appointed to 
keep the fort in repair, and " to take care that no person 


come to dwell in any of the houses within the fort but such 
as they the said committee shall approve."" The fort was 
built under the direction of Col John Stoddard of Northamp- 
ton, Mass., who had formerly superintended the building of 
the block-house at Fort Dummer in central Massachusetts. 
The fort contained about three-quarters of an acre, was built 
in the form of a square, and had about one hundred and 
eight} 7 feet on a side. The walls were made of squared 
timbers, and put together after the manner of a log-house. 
Inside the enclosure were houses, which were owned by pri- 
vate parties previously to their enclosure in the fort, but 
were bought up and afterwards called province houses. 
One of these belonged to Lieutenant Stevens, for which 
he received thirty-five pounds. These houses were placed 
against the walls of the fort, and so arranged that the}* could 
at once be put in a state of defense if the enemy got inside 
the fort. On the north side the fort had a stockade of tim- 
bers about a foot in diameter, which were placed end-wise in 
the ground, and were about twelve feet high. 

New Hampshire having but little interest in defending a 
place so far from their other settlements, and Massachusetts 
feeling under no obligations to protect them, because out- 
side her limits, the little company provided its own means of 
defense. The assistance subsequently rendered by Massa- 
chusetts was on account of the protection afforded by this 
fort to her settlements on the south. 

The fort was scarcely finished when war was declared by 
England against France and Spain. A few soldiers were 
stationed to defend the little stronghold, and Capt. Phineas 
Stevens was placed in command. In the early part of the 
war the fort was unmolested ; but April 19, 1746, about 
forty French and Indians came into the vicinity, and did 
disastrous work. Several men were captured, and a saw 
and grist mill was burned. May 2d another raid was made, 
and one man was killed. On May 24th, Capt. Daniel Paine 
of Dudley, Mass., was sent to assist in defending the place. 
Shortly after his arrival, some of his men ventured out to see 
the place where the man had been killed a few days before, 
when they were suddenly assailed by the savages, who killed 


five of them and captured one. Captain Stevens with a few 
men rushed to the rescue. He engaged the savages, and 
forced them to retire, as it is supposed, with the loss of sev- 
eral men. At about this time Captain Stevens was rein- 
forced by a troop of horse from Sudbury, under command of 
Capt. Josiah Brown. 


On the 17th of June, shortly after their arrival, this com- 
pany was called into action, and had a severe engagement 
with the enemy in a meadow not far from the fort. The 
following is an account of the affair published July 1, 1746: 

We hear that on Thursday, the 19 th . ult., at a plantation called No. 4, 
Capt. Stevens, of the garrison there, and Capt. Brown, of Sudbury, with 
about fifty men, went out into the woods to look for horses and, coming 
near a causeway there were obliged to pass, their dogs being on the hunt 
before them, and barking very much, they suspected some Indians were 
near; whereupon, keeping a good lookout, they discovered a great num- 
ber of them, supposed to be a hundred and fifty, lying in ambush, wait- 
ing for them on the other side; so that if they had passed over, in all 
probability, most of them might be cut off. 

The Indians on finding themselves discovered, suddenly started up, 
and a smart engagement immediately ensued, in which, it is supposed, 
that the English fired first and engaged them so closely and briskly that 
they soon drew off, and being followed by our men retreated into a 
large swamp; whereupon the English returned to the garrison, not car- 
ing to venture, after such numbers, into so hazardous a place. (Farmer 
& Moore, Vol. III., p. 294.) 

Captain Brown, in a petition to the General Court in 
behalf of himself and his troops, states as follows concern- 
ing this battle : — 

That whereas on the 19 th day of June 1756 in his Magestie's service, 
at a place called No. 4, on the western frontier, the said Josiah Brown 
with his troop had a very warm and dangerous engagement with a num- 
erous party of the Indian enemy, together with painful travel, and with 
other hardships and difficulties attending. In which engagement by 
good evidence and the most certain accounts we can get a considerable 
number of said enimies were slain and others sore wounded. [The pur- 
port of the petition was that the Court might afford them such "encour- 
agement" as it thought best.] 

By order of said troop, at their meeting on the 25 th Dec. 1750. 

(State Archives, Vol. LXXIII., p. 733.) Josiah Brown. 


Captains Stevens and Brown had no men killed outright 
in this engagement, but Jedediah Winchell was mortally 
wounded and shortly afterwards died. Jonathan Stanhope, 
David Parker, and Noah Eaton were wounded. Stanhope 
was from Sudbury, and Eaton from Framingham. Mr. Stan- 
hope subsequently presented two petitions to the General 
Court, one of which is as follows : — 

In the battle with the Indians at No. 4, June 19, when I was a Trooper 
in his majesty's service, I received a shot which broke my arm all to 
pieces, and caused me great pain, and cost for the injuries, and has inca- 
pacitated me from obtaining a subsistance for myself, and I have very 
little hopes of ever having the use of it again. The account of the time 
I have lost and expenses which I have been exposed to since I was 
wounded is as follows : 

To sixteen weeks at said No. 4, when I lay confined with my 
wound to the first months when I had Province billeting at 
6-3 per week besides said billeting /I. 5. 

To 12 weeks more when I found myself altogether and had 

no Province pay nor billeting at 12-G pr wk. . . 7. 10. 

And to my son's attending on me then and finding himself 
from the 23 d of June to the 17« h of October following, being 
16 weeks and 3 days : to my son's nursing and attending 
me the said 16 weeks, at 5 per week 4. 2. 6 

And to 9 weeks board when he had neither Province pay nor 

billeting at 7-6 per week 3. 7. 6 

/16. 5. 

At the close of military operations, in 1746, Massachusetts 
withdrew most of her soldiers stationed in the vicinity of the 
Connecticut River in New Hampshire. The chief reasons 
for this were that the place was outside her own limits, and 
that New Hampshire refused to co-operate in defending it. 
No. 4 being deprived of troops, it was for a time abandoned. 
The people in the vicinity were obliged to leave their home- 
steads, and take refuge in the older settlements. During 
the winter that followed the evacuation of No. 4, the enemy 
did not venture far from their quarters in Canada. Mean- 
while an effort was made to again man the deserted forts. A 
prominent person in the furtherance of this project, it is sup- 
posed, was Captain Stevens. He communicated with Gov- 
ernor Shirley, and stated that a force of one hundred men 


should be sent to several of the frontier posts to "go and 
waylay the streams the enemy come upon when they issue 
out from Crown Point." The authorities did not grant the 
request by allowing all the men that were asked for, but 
only so many as it was thought would repel an attack made 
on the forts. The matter of taking measures for such agress- 
ive work as was proposed by Stevens was deferred. 


In March, 1747, Captain Stevens was ordered to go with 
thirty men and take possession of No. 4. He arrived there 
on the 27th. A few days later the place was furiously 
assailed by the French and Indians, under the leadership 
of General Debeline. Captain Stevens, in his report made 
to Governor Shirley, dated April 9, 1747, gives the following 
account of the attack : — 

Our dogs being very much disturbed, which gave us reason to think 
that the enemy were about, occasioned us not to open the gate at the 
usual time; but one of our men, being desirous to know the certainty, 
ventured out privately to set on the dogs, about nine o'clock in the 
morning; and went about twenty rods from the fort firing off his gun and 
saying, Choboy to the dogs. Whereupon, the enemy, being within a few 
rods, immediately arose from behind a log and fired : but through the 
goodness of God, the man got into the fort with only a slight wound. 
The enemy being then discovered, immediately arose from their ambush- 
ments and attacked us on all sides. The wind being very high, and 
everything exceedingly dry, they set fire to all the old fences, and also to 
a log-house about forty rods distant from the fort to the windward ; so 
that within a few minutes we were entirely surrounded with fire — all 
which was performed with the most hideous shouting and firing, from 
all quarters, which they continued, in a very terrible manner, until the 
next day at ten o'clock at night, without intermission; during which time 
we had no opportunity to eat or sleep. But notwithstanding all their 
shoutings and threatenings, our men seemed not to be in the least 
daunted, but fought with great resolution ; which, doubtless, gave the 
enemy reason to think we had determined to stand it out to the last 
degree. The enemy had provided themselves with a sort of fortifica- 
tion, which they had determined to push before them and bring fuel to 
the side of the fort, in order to burn it down. But instead of performing 
what they threatened, and seemed to be immediately going to undertake, 
they called to us and desired a cessation of arms until sunrise the next 
morning, which was granted : at which time they would come to a par- 


ley. Accordingly the French General Debeline came with about sixty 
of his men, with a flag of truce, and stuck it down within about twenty 
rods of the fort in plain sight of the same, and said if we would send 
three men to him he would send as many to us, to which we complied. 
The General sent in a French Lieutenant with a French soldier and an 

Upon our men going to the Monsieur, he made the following pro- 
posals, viz. — that in case we would immediately resign up the fort, we 
should all have our lives and liberty to put on all the clothes we had, 
and also to take a sufficient quantity of provisions to carry us to Mon- 
treal, and bind up our provisions and blankets, lay down our arms and 
marph out of the fort. 

Upon our men returning, he desired that the Captain of the fort 
would meet him half-way, and give an answer to the above proposal, 
which I did, and upon meeting the Monsieur, he did not wait for me to 
give an answer, but went on in the following manner, viz. — that what 
had been promised he was ready to perform, but upon refusal he would 
immediately set the fort on fire, and run over the top, for he had seven 
hundred men with him, and if we made any further resistance, or should 
happen to kill one Indian, we might expect all to be put to the sword. 
"The fort," said he, " I am resolved to have or die. Now do what you 
please, for I am as easy to have you fight as to give up." I told the 
General, that in case of extremity his proposal would do; but inasmuch 
as I was sent here by my master, the Captain General, to defend this 
fort, it would not be consistent with my order to give it up unless I was 
better satisfied that he was able to perform what he had threatened ; 
and furthermore I told him that it was poor encouragement to resign 
into the hands of the enemy, that upon one of their number being killed, 
they would put all to the sword, when it was probable that we had killed 
some of them already. "Well," said he, "go into the fort, and see 
whether your men dare to fight any more or not, and give me an answer 
quick, for my men want to be fighting." Whereupon I came into the 
fort and called all the men together, and informed them what the French 
General said, and then put it to vote which they chose, either to fight on 
or resign ; and they voted to a man to stand it out as long as they had 
life. Upon this, I returned the answer that we were determined to fight 
it out. Upon which they gave a shout, and then fired, and so continued 
fighting and shouting until daylight the next morning. 

About noon they called to us and said " Good morning," and desired 
a cessation of arms for two hours that they might come to a parley ; 
which was granted. The General did not come himself, but sent two 
Indians, who came within about eight rods of the fort and stuck down 
their flag and desired that I would send out two men to them, which I 
did, and the Indians made the following proposal, viz. — That in case we 
would sell them provisions, they would leave and not fight anymore; 
and desired my answer, which was, that selling them provisions for 


money was contrary to the laws of nations, but if they would send in a 
captive for every five bushels of corn, I would supply them. Upon the 
Indians returning the General this answer, four or five guns were fired 
against the fort, and they withdrew, as we supposed, for we heard no 
more of them. 

In all this time we had scarce opportunity to eat or sleep. The cessa- 
tion of arms gave us no matter of rest, for we suspected they did it to 
obtain an advantage against us. I believe men were never known to 
hold out with better resolution, for they did not seem to sit or lie still 
for one moment. There were but thirty men in the fort, and although 
we had some thousands of guns fired at us, there were but two men 
slightly wounded, viz. John Brown and Joseph Ely. (Saunderson's 
"History of Charlestown, N.H.") 

In the course of the year 1747 the people living near the 
Connecticut River suffered much from the enemy's incur- 
sions. As they could obtain little or no aid from New 
Hampshire, they again applied to Massachusetts. In Feb- 
ruary, 1748, the authorities allowed one hundred men each 
for Forts Massachusetts and No. 4; and directed that orders 
be issued to the commanding officers in those garrisons that 
a suitable number of men should be employed, until the 
following October, to intercept the French and Indians in 
their march to the frontier. At the same time a bounty was 
offered of a hundred pounds for an Indian scalp. Captain 
Stevens was again appointed to command at No. 4, and Capt. 
Humphrey Hobbs, another brave officer, was made second in 

Shortly after Captain Stevens assumed command of No. 4, 
on March 15th, a party of Indians attacked some men near 
the fort who were out to gather wood. Captain Stevens sal- 
lied forth to the rescue, but no general engagement occurred, 
as the enemy, which consisted of only a small company, left 
the place, after killing, in their first onset, one person and 
wounding another and taking captive a third. As the spring 
advanced Captain Stevens and his men were engaged more 
or less in marchings and scoutings in the vicinity of No. 4, 
and from there to Fort Dummer in the central part of Massa- 
chusetts. June 24 forty men, under command of Captain 
Hobbs, started on a scouting expedition, designing to march 
through the wilderness to Fort Shirley, in Heath, Mass. 


After being out two days, they had an engagement with 
the Indians, which, it is said, lasted four hours, and in 
which one of the Sudbury soldiers was wounded. The fol- 
lowing account of the battle is from Saunderson's " History 
of Charlestovvn, N.H." 


Capt. Hobbs started out from No. 4, on the 24th of June. During the 
first two days of his march, he met with no interruptions, except such as 
were occasioned by the natural difficulties of ihe way. On the 26th, it 
being Sunday, after travelling a little distance, he halted at a place about 
twelve miles north-west of Fort Dummer, in the precincts of what is now 
the town of Marlborough, to afford his company an opportunity to 
refresh themselves ; and though he did not dream that he was pursued, 
or that the enemy was any where near, he still posted a guard on his 
trail, like a true officer, as carefully and circumspectly as if danger had 
been nppreh ended. The party then took possession of a low piece of 
ground, covered with alders intermingled with large trees, through which 
rl )wed a rivulet, and without any anticipat on of being disturbed, had 
begun regaling themselves at their packs. 

But, as was too frequently the case in those tunes, danger was nigh, 
though they had no apprehension of it ; for a large body of Indians had 
discoverd their trail, and made a rapid march for the purpose of cutting 
them off. Sackett, their chief, (reputed to be a half-blood,) was not only 
a courageous and resolute fellow, but was distinguished for a sagacity 
that rendered him no common antagonist. 

Apparently certain of victory, on account of his numbers, which fore- 
stalled the necessity of a wily approach, he dashed down upon the trail 
of Hobbs, driving in the guards which he had posted in his rear, and 
instantly commenced an attack upon his main force with all the yells 
and demonstrations of a savage warfare. 

Hobbs, though taken by surprise, was not in the least deprived of his 
self possession. 

An old Indian fighter as he was, whose men were under a perfect 
discipline, it took but a moment to form them for action, and but a mo- 
ment more elapsed before each, by tie adv'ce of his commander, had 
selected the cover of a large tree, and stood ready to repel any assault 
of their oncoming foe. Confident of success, on account of the superi- 
ority of their numbers, which were more than four to one, to the force 
under Hobbs, the enemy without seeking cover, rushed forward with 
terrible shouts, as if they had determined at the outset to bear down all 
resistance ; but being met by a well directed fire, by which several of 
their number were killed, their impetuosity received such a check as to 
cause them to retreat for shelter behind the trees and brush. 

The conflict which then followed between the parties, in which the 


sharp-shooters bore a prominent part, was of the most exciting nature. 
The two commanders had been known to each other in times of peace, 
and were both distinguished for their intrepidity. 

Sackett, who could speak English, frequently called upon Hobbs, in 
tones that made the forest ring, to surrender; and with threats in case 
of refusal that he would annihilate his force with the tomahawk. 

Hobbs, with a voice equally loud and defiant, challenged him to come 
on and put his menace, if he dared, into execution. The action contin- 
ued for four hours, Hobbs and his force displaying throughout the most 
consummate skill and prudence, and neither side withdrawing an inch 
from its original position. The Indians, during the fight, not unfre- 
quently approached the line of their adversaries, but were as often driven 
back to their cover; the fire of the sharp-sighted marksman opposed to 
them being more than they could endure. Thus the conflict continued, 
till, finding that his own men had suffered severely in the struggle, and 
that the resistance of Hobbs and his men was not likely to be overcome, 
Sackett retired and left them the masters of a well fought field. 

The company of Capt. Hobbs was so well protected that only three, 
Ebenezar Mitchell, Eli Scott, and Samuel Gunn, were killed. The 
wounded were Daniel McHenney of Wrentham, who had his thigh 
broken by a ball, by which he was disabled for life ; Samuel Graves, Jr., 
of Sunderland, a brave lad of seventeen years of age, who was shot 
through the brain in a horrible manner, yet recovered, but not so as to 
be afterwards capable of business; — also slight wounds were received 
by Nathan Walker of Sudbury, and Ralph Rice. Many of the enemy 
were seen to fall, especially when they left their cover and advanced. 
Yet, though their loss was undoubtedly great, so effectually was it con- 
cealed that its extent was never ascertained. After the retirement and 
disappearance of the Indians, Captain Hobbs and his men remained 
concealed till night, apprehending another attack; but, as the darkness 
fell around them, discovering no signs of the enemy, they gathered up 
their packs, and took their dead and wounded, and after burying the 
former under some logs, about half a mile from the scene of action, and 
conducting the latter to a more conveniant place, about two miles dis- 
tant, they encamped for the night. They arrived at Fort Dummer the 
next day, which was the 27th, at four o'clock in the afternoon, whence 
they sent their wounded to Northfield where they could receive the 
needed medical aid. 

Nathan Walker recovered and arrived safely home. He 
afterward petitioned the General Court for assistance. In 
the petition he states that he was a soldier in the Province 
service under the command of Capt. Hobbs, and that on 
June 26th, 1748, in a fight with the Indian and French 


enemy, he was wounded in the arm. (State Archives, Vol. 
LXXIII., p. 620.) 

Capt. Josiah Brown, the commander of the troop which 
went from Sudbury to assist in the defense of Fort No. 4, was 
a brave soldier and worthy man. The following is a brief 
sketch of his life, together with two lists of men who be- 
longed to his troop before the war began and also towards 
its close. As some of the names are in both lists, perhaps 
they served through the intervening years, and were present 
at the defense of No. 4. The troop of 1747-8 was called 
into service that year, September 23, and served a short time. 


Mr. Brown was a prominent citizen of Sudbury. He 
passed through all, or nearly all, the grades of town office ; 
and his name is also conspicuous in the annals of the church. 
In 1757, Josiah Brown, Samuel Dakin, and Jabez Puffer 
were chosen delegates to assist in settling the difficulty be- 
tween the church in Leominster and their pastor. The first 
two were brave captains in the war against the French and 
Indians ; the first was prominent at Fort No. 4, the other 
was killed near Fort Edward in 17i8. (See period 1750- 
1775.) As a token of his regard for the West Side Church, 
Mr. Brown gave it a piece of land, the proceeds of which, 
it is stated, were sufficient for the supply of the elements for 
communion. He was one of the signers of the church cove- 
nant in 1724-5. 

Sudbury June 4 th 1739 
A list of the Gen u men of the Horse under the command of Capt. 
Josiah Brown 

Trum: Jonathan Belcher, Nathaniel Seaver 

Cor. Josiah willas [willis] Cor. Daniel Winch 

Cor. Daniel Gregory, Bezebeal Frost 

Cor. Edward Moore Benja Whitten 

Benony Prat Cornelus Wood 

David How David Stone 

Danil Goodenow Eliph a wheler 

David Maynard Jr. Ebenezer Puffer. 

Elijah Bent Elijah Smith 

Ebenezer Heminway Edmond Parmenter 

Ecobad Heminway Hezekiah Moore 



Ephriam Puffer 
Hopestill Browne 
John Cheney 
John Heminway 
Jabez Mead 
John Maynard Jr. 
Nathan Loring 
Robert Seaver 
Sam 1 Brigham 
Timothy Sternes 
John Bent 
[Isaac] Reed 
Thomas Winch Jr. 

James Crage 
Joseph Parmenter 
Nathaniel Rice 
Phinehas Gibbs. 
Sam 1 Heminway 
Sam 1 Browne 
Jabez Puffer 
Jonathan Maynard 
Jonathan Puffer 
Philis Part 
Sam 1 Stone 
Solomon Parmenter Jr. 

Muster roll of Brown's company 1747-8. 

Josiah Brown Capt 
John Noyes C >rnet 
Dai 1 Stone Clerk 
Jon ft Belcher Trumpeter 
Nathaniel Seaver 
Phinehas Gibbs 
Sam 1 Brown 
Jonathan Maynard 
Isaac Reed 
Joseph Reed 
W" Brown 
Dan 1 Stone 
John Bruce 


John Gould 

Other names are 

Thomas Winch 
Dan 1 Gregory 
James Peterson 
Thomas Biglo 
Thomas Winch 
Samuel Winch 
Josiah Hoar. 

Micah Gibbs 
Joseph Brintnall 
John Brigham 
W m Hunt 
Matthew Gibbs 
Henry Smith 
David Maynard 
Samuel Maynard 
Isaac Brewer 
Obediah Moore 
Nathan Walker 
Joseph Greene 
Isaac Brintnall 
Henry Loker 

Sam 1 Giles 
Beng Eaton 
Sam 1 Frost 
Elias Whitney 
George Whitney 
Sam 1 Whitney 



The Work House. — Regulations of it. — Pest- House at Nobscot. -- 
Graves of Small-Pox Victims. — Pest-Houses on the East Side. — 
Graves of Victims. — Inoculation for the Disease. — Statistics Relat- 
ing to It. — Highway Work. — Lottery for Repairing the Causeway. — 
Schools. — School-Houses. — Fourth French and Indian War. — 
Causes of It. — Lists of, Sudbury Soldiers in Various Campaigns. — 
First and Second Foot Companies. — Alarm List. — Troops of Horse. 
— Battle at Half- Way Brook. — Death of Captain Dakin. — Sketch 
of his Life. — Covenant. — Correspondence. — French Neutrals. — 
Death of Rev. William Cook. — Settlement of Rev. Josiah Bridge. 
Death of Rev. Israel Loring. — Sketch of His Life.— Settlement of 
Rev. Jacob Bigelow. — Division of West Part into Wards. — Powder 
House. — Noon Houses. — Pound. — Measures to Suppress Swindling. 

Over the roofs of the pioneers 

Gathers the moss of a hundred years ; 

On man and his works has passed the change 

Which needs must be in a century's range. 


Between 1750, and 1775, the country was in an unsettled 
condition. Events of a stirring character transpired, and the 
times were productive of lasting influences. Peace prevailed 
when the period began, but was very short-lived. The treaty 
of Aix-la-Chapelle, made in 1748, was of little avail to hold 
England and France in friendly relations. After the lapse 
of about a half-dozen years, war was again declared, and hos- 
tilities in America broke out anew. The close of the period 
also was stormy. It was just before the Revolutionary War. 
The provinces were in process of preparation for that far- 
famed struggle from which they Avere to emerge a new 
nation. Before, however, entering upon military matters, 
we will notice some of the civil events of the period. 




In 1753, a movement was made to establish a work -house 
in Sudbury. At the above-named date a vote was taken, 
when "it passed veiy fully in the affirmative, that it [the 
town] would provide a Work House in sd town, that Idle 
& Disorderly People may be properly Employed." Ephraim 
Curtis, Joseph Brown, and Ebenezer Koby were a committee 
in the matter. In process of time the project thus begun 
was accomplished. March 17, 1762, the town decided "to 
hire some suitable house for a Work House that the Idle 
Persons in sd Town might be kept to Labor." Pursuant to 
vote, a building was rented of Isaac Reed, for which he was 
to receive two pounds eight shillings. In 1765, the town 
" voted to give Mr. Reed two pounds eight shillings for his 
house (and garden spot) & his putting s d house in good 
Tenantable Repair." In 1763, the town chose "overseeis 
of the poor for sd house," and Mr. Isaac Reed was of this 


At a quarterly meeting of all the Overseers of the Poore in Sudbury 
at the work house in said Sudbury on the first Tuesday of the month, 
April, Anno Domini 1763, in order to inspect the management thereof 
and for ordering the Affairs of the said House when we the said over- 
seers were Duely and lawfully meet together at the said work house, and 
after Due and mature consideration, we Came into the Folowing need- 
full Rulls and orders for the Regulation of the said house, and those 
Idle Persons that are by Law or may fall under our Inspection. 

Which Rules & orders are as followeth. l 8, ly That every one of the 
overseers Shall Punctually meet at the Said work house, at the times set 
for their monthly or Intermediate Meetings, and in Case of their not 
attending or unseasonably attending, Shall forfitt and pay to the s d over- 
seers and for their use, the Sum of Two Shillings Lawfull money, and in 
Case he or they Shall neglect or Refuse to pay the Same or to Shew any 
Reasonable Excuse for his neglect, the Same Shall be Recovered from 
him or them by their Clark by Distress and Sale of his or their Goods, 
the Clark observing the Same Rulls that Constables are by law obleged 
to Do in making Distress for their Rates. 

2" d ly. That when any Parson whome we Shall Judge Doath Fall 
under our Immediate care and Inspection Shall be by a Summon under 
the hand of our moderator or Clark Duly Sent to him Setting forth the 
time for his appearance before us at the said work house, and Shall not 


Punctually apeare before us the said Overseers, at the said work house, 
that then and in that Case, a warrant under the hand and Seal of our 
said Clark Shall Isue out Dyrected to the master of the said work house 
or to the Constable of the s d Towne of Sudbury forth with Requiring 
them to apprehend the body of the s d Contemptous Parson and Cause 
him or her to appear before us, the s d overseers, at the said work house, 
that he or she may be Proceeded with or Punished for his or her Con- 
tempt, by being publickly whipped at the whipping post at the work 
house not Exceeding Ten Stripes or otherways as the Said Overseers 
Shall then order, and be Subject to pay to the officer that Shall have 
served the s d warrant his fees by Law allowed him, the Service of which 
Summons Shall be found by Giving him or her Summon in form afore- 
said or Leaving same at his or her Last or usual place of abode, by any 
Constable of s d Sudbury or any one of the Overseers who Shall make 
Return of ye s d Summons to the s d Overseers at the time therein ordered. 

As evidence of farther modes of discipline employed in 
this period, we find that, in 1760, the town allowed payment 
to Colonel Noyes for making stocks, and also for four staves 
for the tything-men. In the warrant for a town-meeting in 
1757, is the following article: "To see what the town will do 
with regard to Dido a Negro woman who is now upon charge 
in this town." With regard to this Dido the town ordered 
the selectmen "to make strict inquiries who brought Dido 
into town." 


Another institution introduced into the town in this period 
was the pest-house. There is in the Stearns' " Collection " 
a document, without date, that is presumably a petition to 
the selectmen, asking that a town-meeting be called — 

As soon as maybe by Law, for the Purchase of and Erecting a House 
or houses for the conveniance of taking the Small Pox by Inoculation, 
for the better Security of the Good Citizens of s d town, [to] do or act as 
the Town shall Judge proper when met. 

As in duty Bound 

Jno. Goodenow Jonathan Bent, 

Luther Richardson, Jotham Goodenow, 

Elisha Goodenow, Israel How, 

Elisha Moore, Caleb Wheeler. 
Silas Goodenow, 
Joel Goodenow. 


Probably the above petition antedates the record given 
below, "Oot 14, 1761: Town Dr. To Mr. Isaac Rood 
for sledding wood and assisting to repair a House, for these 
who may have the small pox." Tradition points to several 
localities, which at that time were within the town limits, 
where pest-honses were situated. The site oi' one of these 
is at NoDSCOt Hill. On the eastern side oi' the hill, on land 
owned by Mr. Hubbard Brown, and a short distance from a 
small pond, are the graves o{ the small-pox victims. They 
are clustered together, beneath a small growth of pines that 
are now scattered over that briar-grown spot : ami the wind, 
as it sweeps through the branches of this little pine grove, 
and the occasional note of the wild-wood bird, alone break 
the stillness and disturb the loneliness of that forest burial- 
place. On a stone that marks one grave is the following 
inscription : — 








NOV. 14th 1792 



Just how many graves are about this spot we have no 
information, but a former owner of the land, Mr. Edward 
Brown, conjectured, as he mowed the brush thereabouts 
many years ago, that there were at least eight or nine 
well-defined graves there. This burying-plaee, as we have 
said, is on a part of the Thirty-rod Highway. The small- 
pox hospital at Nobseot, tradition says, was in the " Nixon 
pasture," which is the large field on the northern slope of 
the hill ; and the same authority asserts that the house in 
which John Nixon once lived, and which was on his farm. 


was the building used for the hospital. Tradition also says 
that the Browns, who at that time dwelt at a place just 
west of the residence of Hubbard Brown, were accustomed 
to carry milk to a designated spot, and put it in vessels left 
there to receive it by those in charge at the hospital. 

In the north part of Sudbury there are several grave.- of 
persons who died of small-pox. Three of them are on the 
plain, a mile west of the old Pratt Tavern ; but they were 
levelled down by a person who came into j n of the 

place about 1825. Other graves are on the farm south of 
Mr. Jonathan Rice's Tavern, in the northwest part of the 
town. There is another at Bridle Point, just east of the 
bridge near the railroad crossing. 

There were two pest-houses on the east side ; one on "the 
Island," and the other at the northeasterly part of the pres- 
ent town of Wayland, not far to the northerly of the Sumner 
Draper estate. There is a field in that vicinity still called 
the "pock pasture." On the Draper farm, not far back of 
the dwelling-house, are the graves of other victims of this 
dreaded disease. The following inscriptions are taken from 
stones that mark these graves : — 




JUNE 2, 1777 




JUNE 7, 1777 

These hospitals were designed especially for persons who 
desired to be inoculated for the disease with the virus of a 
small-pox patient. This method of treatment was introduced 
about 1721. For a time it met with great prejudice, but 


at length it gained ground, and man}* - people incurred the 
risk involved in having the disease in this way, which, with 
proper treatment, was said very light, rather than the 
risk of taking it in the ordinary way by contagion. The fol- 
lowing statistics, taken from Rev. Israel Loring's "Diary," 
will tend to show with what reason society believed in this 
method : — 

July 19 th 1764. Persons who have had the small pox in Boston in 
the year 1764. : : : : . 

In the natural way — 

Whites — 






Died — 







By inoculation 














Removed into the country to 

avoid the 

disease, 1537. 

This old manner of practice is now among the things that 
were ; and with it the pest-houses, too, have passed away. 


In 1751, it was voted that in highway work " eight hours 
shall be accounted for a days work," "two shillings shall be 
a day's wages for a man, or so in proportion to an hour;" 
also " that one shilling be allowed for a good yoke of oxen 
a day." 

In 1756, a proposition was started to raise money by way 
of a lottery to repair the long causeway from the town bridge 
to Lieut. Benjamin Estabrook's. When it came to town- 
meeting it "passed in the negative." In 1758, the town 
again proposed to raise and repair the long causeway, and 

Biographical Sketch, page 619. 


two short ones towards Lieutenant Estabrook's, and to do it 
by means of a lotte^. To this proposition a formal remon- 
strance was presented, in which it was stated that the raising 
of the causeway would damage the meadow, by causing the 
water to flow back ; that there was "a good bridge over the 
river where people may travel at all seasons of the year, from 
Boston to Marlboro;" and that there is not "one foot of fall 
in said river for twenty-five or thirty miles." This remon- 
strance, however, did not prevent the ultimate accomplish- 
ment of this project. At a March meeting, 1758, the town 
voted to petition the General Court for leave to repair and 
raise the causeway by lottery, and chose the following com- 
mittee to attend to the work : Col. John Noyes, William 
Baldwin, and Col. Josiah Brown. The Court gave its assent, 
and made specifications and conditions as to how the scheme 
should proceed. One of the conditions was that drawing 
lotteries was not to continue over fifteen days, exclusive of 
Sunday. In these lotteries the town took ventures. In 1761 
"the town voted to take the tickets in Sudbury Lottery third 
class, that shall remain unsold in the manager's hand, when 
the drawing l st « Lottery shall commence, : : : and ordered the 
tickets that remain unsold aforesaid to be lodged with the 
Town Treasurer, on the day the Lottery commences draw- 
ing." The town lost by this venture, as May 11, 1761, it 
"granted 27 lbs 12 s Lawful money, to defray the loss the town 
sustained by the tickets which the town voted to take, and 
ordered the assessors to vote it into a rate forthwith, and 
each person to have the liberty to work out his rate, pro- 
vided he or they work it out at or before the time set for 
working out s d rate, and to be under the regulation of the 
managers of s d Lottery." In October of the same year the 
question came up as to taking tickets in Sudbury lottery 
fourth class that should remain unsold in the hands of the 
managers when the drawing began. " The vote passed in 
the negative." 

In 1653, it was "voted to accept of a highway laid out 
from Peletiah Deans North east corner, unto ye town way 
leading from the Training field by Ephraim Curtis, Esq. by 
Lt. Rice's to Weston." The same date a road was laid out 


from "Mr. Jonathan Griffin's Corner, running southwesterly 
into the way by Mr. Eliab Moor's North Corner, formerly 
Mr. John Adams'." In 1769, the town "granted money to 
improve a road lately laid out from Rev. Josiah Bridges, to 
the school house near the East meeting house." The school- 
house was the old Newell Heard store, and the road referred 
to, was the present way from the Wellington place by H. B. 
Braman's into Wayland Centre. In 1773, the town took 
action to see if it would discontinue the road "leading from 
Dr. Roby's [now Warren Roby's] to Zecheriah Briant's [now 
H. B. Braman's] lying between the two county roads." This 
was a travelled road before the la}dng out of the one last 
mentioned. It had its course from near the old Roby house, 
just west of Mr. Braman's, along the ridge toward Bridle 
Point. In 1774, the town accepted " a way laid out from 
Samuel Goodnow's dwelling house to the Lancaster road." 
The same date the town accepted a wa} r " laid out from 
Lancaster old road to Lt. Joseph Willis' gate by the widow 
Brigham's dwelling house." In 1774, the town accepted a 
road "laid out from Mr. Thomas Walker's land leading to 
the west meeting house." In 1771, money was granted "to 
widen the causy at Iron Works meadow." Jabez Puffer, 
John Balcom, and Joseph Willis were chosen a committee. 


While the town was advancing in means for the public 
convenience and safet} r , educational matters were progressing 
also. In 1751, the selectmen agreed " with Mr. W m Cook 
[only son of Rev. Mr. Cook] to keep a grammar school . . . 
for six months, beginning the school the first day of Novem- 
ber; and also to teach children & youth to Read English and 
wright and Instruct them in Rethmetick, and to keep the 
school in the Town School House as the Selectmen shall 
from time to time order For the sum of Twelve pounds 
Exclusive of his Board." It was voted that year that the 
grammar schools should be kept in the two town school- 
houses by each meeting-house. This shows us where two of 
the town school-houses stood at that time ; and this, with 
other records, show that school matters were at that time 


conducted by the Board of Selectmen. Another record of 
1756 shows where two other school-houses stood, inasmuch 
as the town voted that year that the grammar school should 
be kept at four places, — " two at the school houses near the 
meeting house, one at the school house near Joseph Smith's, 
and the other at that near Nathan Goodnow's." John Mon- 
roe was to keep the school, and have five pounds thirteen 
shillings four pence for a quarter, and the town was to pay 
his board. Other school-houses were also alluded to in the 
following record made the same year: " The town voted 14 
pounds for a reading and writing school, and that it should 
be kept at four places, viz, at the school house near Samuel 
Puffer's [perhaps the Pantry school], at the one near Deacon 
Rice's, at the one near Joseph Stanhope's, and the one near 
the house of Jonas Brewer." 

In 1755, the town " voted for Grammar school 30 pounds, 
three fifths to be spent on the west side, and two fifths on 
the east side the river; for the west side the school was to 
be kept at the farm." In 1752, it k ' voted for the support of 
the Grammar school in sd town the year ensuing 37 pounds 
6 shillings 8 pence." The school was to be held in five 
places, — "two on the east side the river and three on the 
west, in places as followeth. In the school house near the 
house of Mr. Joseph Smith, and in a convenient place or 
near the house of Dea Jonas Brewer as may be, or in a con- 
venient place as near the house of Mr. Edward More as may 
be, and in a convenient place as near the house of L l Daniel 
Noyes as may be, and in the school house near to and north- 
erly from the house of Dea Jonathan Rice all in sd town." 
The same year the town voted that " the Reading & writing 
school should be kept In the two Town school houses the 
year ensuing." During this period several school-houses 
were built, which stood about half a century. In 1705, it 
was " voted, that the School house near [the] East meeting 
house [should] be improved, [and] to build a new school 
house near said meeting house." This may have been 
afterwards the Newell Heard store. Besides school-houses 
repaired and built, an attempt was made to supply them 
with fuel at the town's expense. It is recorded, that, March 


1, 1774, the town voted " to see if [itl will order that the 
several school houses in said town shall he supplied with 
wood for the future at the charge of the town, agreeable to 
the petition of Jacob Reed and others." " The article passed 
in the negative." 


The peace that followed the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle was 
of short duration. But a few brief years elapsed before the 
thunder tones of a terrible conflict burst on the ears of a 
startled land, and sent a shudder to hearts and homes. For 
the fourth time the English and French were to cross their 
weapons in an inter-colonial war. For years the two nations 
had been expanding in population and power on the Ameri- 
can shores, and during this interval they had been fanning 
the old flame of jealousy which had its origin far back in a 
feudal age. Each was desirous of supremacy on this side the 
Atlantic, and to obtain it each was strengthening its lines for 
aggressive and defensive work. The one power worked on 
the seaboard, and extended its operations from the Penob- 
scot a thousand miles south ; the other stretched its lines of 
defense along the far-distant interior, and dotted the valley 
of the St. Lawrence River, the margins of the Mississippi 
and far-distant lakes, even to the borders of the Gulf of 
Mexico, with its trading-posts, its strongholds, and its papal 
missions. These powers sought the same common prize, — 
the conquest of the country. Already the English claimed 
that part of it south of the latitude of the north shore of 
Lake Erie, and westward to the far-off Pacific, by right of 
charter. Already the Frenchman disputed this right, and 
claimed the interior as it bordered the Mississippi River 
and its tributaries, by right of exploration and settlement. 
Which was to be the permanent title was to be settled, not 
by diplomacy, but by the arbitrament of the musket, toma- 
hawk, and torch. The French early prepared for this mode 
of adjusting their claims. More than sixty fortifications had 
been constructed by them prior to 1750. The English, made 
suspicious by the erection of garrisons, and knowing the sig- 


nificance of trading-posts in the interior of the country, pre- 
pared to arrest the course of the foe. 

Before, however, a settlement was effected a long and 
severe war ensued ; so severe, indeed, was the struggle, that 
long after the period was past its events were prominent in 
the annals of New England. Tradition kept them alive as 
the years rolled by, and the wild scenes set forth by survivors 
became the subject of ballad and song. Long after the 
struggle had ceased, tales of those times were recited by the 
blazing hearth, as, gathered by the fitful fire-light, groups 
of listeners gave ear to the thrilling rehearsal, while they 
watched the changeful glow of the coals as they crackled 
and crumbled on their ashen bed. The snow-shoes, brought 
down from the garret, where they had long lain amid the 
dust of that mystic place, were reminders of the cold, rough 
march, and the noiseless procession of rangers, as they sped 
over the pathless snow. The bright fire-light, as it flickered 
up the chimney's broad flue ; the mossy wood, newly cut, in 
the corner, — all were alike suggestive of forest adventure, 
of the lone sentinel guard in the dark, deep shade, and of tales 
told by the light of camp-fires in places far from home. 

The war was to a large extent carried on by expeditions 
or campaigns, the object of which was to capture the strong- 
holds of Canada. We will give lists of Sudbury soldiers who 
were in these campaigns. 


In 1755, a regiment was raised, and placed under command 
of Col. Josiah Brown of Sudbury, for the purpose of prevent- 
ing the encroachments of the French about Crown Point and 
upon " Lake Iroquois, commonly called by the French, Lake 
Champlain." The regiment belonged to the command of 
William Johnson. The following is a list of the field and 
staff officers : — 

Josiah Brown, Col. Samuel Brigham, Surgeon. 
John Cummings, Lt. Col. Benjamin Gott, Surgeon's Mate 
Steven Miller, Major David Mason, Commissary- 
Samuel Dunbar, Chaplain Joseph Lovering, Adjutant 


Sept. 10, 1755, Samuel Dakin received a commission as 
captain of foot in this regiment. The muster-roll of his com- 
pany contains forty-eight names, of which the following are 
supposed to be from Sudbury : — 

Capt. S. Dakin Sam 1 Grout 

Elisha Cutler Jason Gleason 

Silas Clapp Abel Farrar 

Moses Puffer Josiah Barker 

Nath 1 Eveleth Ephriam Woods, Jr. 

Sam 1 Gibbs J r Samuel Estabrook 

Sam 1 Burbank Lt. Joseph Baker 

Joseph Sherman Jon a Barrett 

Sudbury men in a second list of Capt. Samuel Dakin's 
Company, 1755 : — 

Samuel Grout sergt. Samuel Mead, Jr. 

David Eveleth corp 1 Jason Gleason 

Jonathan Bent Nathaniel Gibbs 

Silas Clapp Samuel Burbank 

Silas Puffer Moses Jones 

Joseph Maynard Charles Wetherbe 

W m Skinner Abijah Brigham 

Simon Maynard Josiah Sherman 

Jedediah Parmenter Josiah Walker. 

Sudbury men in Capt. Jonathan Hoar's company, 1755 : — 

Adam Gilbert Charles Roiley 

Uriah Choochett Jonathan Stanhope. 

Sudbury men in the Crown Point expedition of 1756, in 
Capt. Ebenezer Newell's company : — 

John Nixon Lieut. [Fram] Micah Grout 

Ensign Joseph Brintnall Leavitt How 

Warren Goodenow Isaac Goodenow 
Ezra Barker 

Sudbury men in Capt. John Nixon's company, 1756 : — 

Samuel Parmenter Samuel Putnam 

Phinehas Haynes W m Puffer 

Samuel Burbank Jon* Maynard 
Eph. Hayden 


Sudbury men in a third list of Capt. Samuel Dakiu's com- 
pany : — 

Samuel Grout Joseph Sherman 

David Evelith Jonathan Bent 

Silas Clapp Joseph Maynard 

W m Skinner Silas Puffer 

Jedediah Parmenter Simon Maynard 

Samuel Mead Jr. Jason Gleason 

Nathaniel Gibbs Moses Stone 

Samuel Burbank Abijah Brigham 
Charles Wetherbe 

Sudbury men in other lists are as follows: Crown Point ex- 
pedition in Capt. William Jones' company, Colonel Thatch- 
er's regiment : — 

Jonas Balcom Miles Realy 

Ebenezer Woodis Nathaniel Hayden 

Leavitt How Nathan Maynard 

Oliver Grout Jonas Gibbs 

Benjamin Gleason Solomon How 

Joseph Mungry Nathan Smith 
Micah Grout 

In Col. John Jones' regiment for the invasion of Canada, 
under command of General Amherst : — 

Joel Clapp Daniel Parmenter 

Silas Hemenway Isiah Parmenter 

Joseph Green Cole 

Ebenezer Wooddis Samuel Putman 
Andrew White 

In Capt. Josiah Richardson's company, Col. Joseph Buck- 
minster's regiment : — 

Jonas Balcom Miles Realy 

Joseph Muzzy Nathaniel Hayden 

Leavet How Nathan Maynard 
Micah Grout 

In the company of Capt. John Nixon of Sudbury, 1761: — 

Isaiah Parmenter, Serg 1 Uriah Gibbs. 

Ebenezer Woodes, Corp 1 Moses Haynes 



Caleb Clark 
Nathaniel Cutter 
Benj a Cutter 
Benj» Clark 
W m Daniels 
Josiah Everton. 
Ephraim Goodnow Jun. 
Thomas Green 

Ephraim Hayden 
Isaac Lincoln 
Jesse Putnam 
John Putnam 
Daniel Parmenter 
David Rice 
Elijah Willis. 

In Capt. Moses Maynard's company : — 

Oliver Gould Benjamin Gleason 

Others in the service : — 

John Rutter. 
Josiah Baldwin. 
Josiah Pratt. 

Samuel Graves 
Daniel Wyman. 

Lieut. Samuel Curtis and eighteen men joined Capt. 
Samuel Dakin's company in the expedition to Canada in 

The following lists contain the names of the active militia 
force of Sudbury, April, 1757. Many whose names are in 
these lists engaged in one or more of the campaigns as the 
war progressed, and then returned to exchange the musket 
or sword for the implements of peaceful pursuits, still hold- 
ing themselves in readiness at their country's call to place 
their names again on the muster-roll : — 

A List of The Officers and Soldiers of the First Foot Company in 
Sudbury under the command of Capt. Moses Maynard, L' Joseph Curtis 
and En. Jason Glezen. 

Sarg John Rice 

" Israel Rice 

" Samuell Russell 

" Isaac Cutting. 
Corp 1 Jonathan Underwood 

" Nehemiah Williams 

" Josiah Farrar 

" Sam 1 Fisk 
Drum. John Combs. 
" W m Russell. 
Joseph Smith 

Abraham Jenkens Jun. 
Ebenezer King 
Joseph Trask 
Thomas Allen Jun 
Elijah Rice 
John Parmenter Jun 
Grindly Jackson 
Caleb Moulton 
Bez'aleel Moore 
Timothy Underwood 
Phineas Gleyen 



Shemnel Griffyn 
Joseph Rutter 
Samu 11 Abbott 
Randall Davis Jun 
W m Moulton 
John Parmenter 
Sam 1 Gould Jun. 
Ephraim Smith 
Jonathan Graves 
Jacob Alderick 
Sam 1 Livermore 
Charles Wetheaby 
W ra Ravis 
David Bent 
Isaac Damon 
James Davis 
Henery Coggin 
W m Dudly 
Micah Rice 
Isaac Wetheaby 
Jonathan Belcher 
Ephraim Abbott 
John Allen 
Benj* Glezen 
A true Copy taken Apr. 25, 1757 

A true list of the 2ond Foot Company 
Cap tn Josiah Richardson taken by Ezek 

Capt. Josiah Richardson 

Lef nt Abijah Haynes 

Ens in Jabez Puffer 

Serg* Joseph Willis 

Serg' Elijah Smith 

Serg 1 Corneleas Wood 

Serg 4 David Moore 

Corp Joseph Stanhope 

Corp Samuell Eaton 

Corp Oliver Dackin 

Corp Josiah Richardson Jun. 

Drum. Jessie Willis 
u w m Rice Jun. 

John Rice 

John Reamos 

Jonas Gibs 

John Jacob Cibellar 

Samu 11 Griffyn 
Micah Maynard 
W ra Grout 
Edw d Shannon Jun 
John Walker 
John Meriam 
Edmond Rice 
Jason Glezen 
Elijah Ross 
John Morffet 
Benj* Cory 
Ebenezer Staples 
Sam 1 Pool 
Zebediah Allen Jun 
Josiah Maynard 
Jonas Woodward 
Benj* A. Williams 
David Patterson 
David Stone 
Jason Glezen Jun 
Thomas Bent Jun 
Thadeus Russell 
James Ross 
W" 1 Sanderson 

Sam l Curtis, Clerk. 

in Sudbury under command of 
iel How Clerk, April y e 25 th 

W m Skiner 
W m Gibs 
W m Hayden 
Isaac Hunt Jun 
Jeams Wier 
Ephriam Rice ' 
Ephriam Goodenow 
Elijah Parmenter 
Ezekiel Parmenter 
Ephriam Hayden 
Edmond Goodenow 
Eben r Burbank 
Eben r Woode 
Geo. Wheller 
Geo. Mossmon 
Joseph Maynard Jun 
Jeames Carter 



Leavit How 

Micah Goodenow 

Michall Mellong 

Morris Clarrey 

Micah Parmenter 

Micah Grout 

Miells Rayley 

Mosies Rice 

Nathan Moore 

Nathaniel Gibs Jun. 

Nathaniel Muzzey 

Norman Saever 

Nathaniel Cuter 
Rowen Boogrill 

Reubin Willis 
Richard Ralley 

Reubin Norse 
Oliver Mors 
Peletiah Parmenter 
Edward Bointon 
Patrick Roach 
Simeon Harris 
Samuiell Parmenter 
Samuiell Osbon 
Samuiell Brigham 
Samuiell Dackin Jun 
Samuiell Burbank Jun 
Samuiell Puffer Jun 
Samuiell Knight Jun 
Silas Balkom 
Silas Puffer 
Silas Smith 
Samuiell Putnam 
Thomas Goodenow 
Thomas Walker Jun 
Uriah Parmenter Jun 
W m Parmenter 
Daniel Noyse Jun 

James Haynes 
Isaack Linckon 
Jeames Thompson 
Jonathan Maynard 
Josiah Haynes 
John Mossman 
Jonas Hallden 
Jonas Hayden 
Isrial Haynes 
Jeams Puffer 
Jonal Balcom 
Josiah Rice 
John Willis 
John Burbank 
Josiah Bennit Jun 
Jonathan Haynes 
Jonathan Rice Jun 
John Goodenow 
John Puffer 
Jeams Puffer Jun 
Joseph Muzzey Jun 
Aron Haynes 
Abijah Walker 
Ambrus Tower 
Asa Smith 
Asiell Clap 
Aron Johnson 
Abel Brown 
Aron Earns 
Andrew White 
Benimin Tower 
Beniman Berry 
David Maynard Jun 
Daniell Clap 
Daniell Bowken 
David Clark 
Daniell Parmenter 

There was also in Sudbury what was called an Alarm List. 
This included persons between the ages of sixteen and sixty, 
who were ordinarily exempt from military duty, but were 
liable to be called upon in emergencies. The following are 
the names on an Alarm List which is supposed to have been 
commanded by Capt. Thomas Damon. 



List of those persons who are obliged to appear on an alarm, between 
the ages of 16 and 60 in the First foot Company in Sudbury. Apr 25. 

Samuel Curtis, Clerk. 

Ebenezer Roby, Esq. 
W m Cook Jun 
W m Baldwin 
Ebenezer Roby Jun. 
Abial Abbott 
Isaac Baldwin 
Naham Baldwin 
John Ross. 
Zecariah Briant. 
Benj" Briant 
Benj n Ball 
Daniel Wyman 
James Patterson 
Thomas Bent 
Joseph Goodnow 
Elijah Bent 
Cor. Thomas Damon 
James Graves 
Amos Sanderson 
Ezra Graves 
Joseph Livermore 
Isaac Rice 
Peter Bent 

Zebediah Allen 
Paul Brintnal. 
Hopstill Bent, 
Joseph Beal. 
Joseph Sharmon, 
James Brewer jun. 
Eliakim Rice. 
Benjaman Dudley 
Samuel Parris. 
Peter Bent Jun 
Thomas Graves 
Isaac Woodward 
Thomas Jenkinson 
David McDaniels 
Daniel Moore Jun 
Amos Brown 
Jonathan Patterson 
Elisha Rice Jun. 
Peter Briant 
David Sharmon 
Josiah Haynes 
Isaac Stone 
Jonathan Griffin. 

In August, 1757, the men on both the Active and Alarm 
Lists were mustered for service. The year had been one 
of disaster to the English and American forces ; and, on 
August 3, General Montcalm with about nine thousand 
French and one thousand Indians besieged Fort William 
Henry, which he captured after a six days' siege, during 
which time it was gallantly defended by Colonel Monroe 
with a force of twenty-three hundred and seventy -two men. 
The report of the disaster was sad intelligence to New Eng- 
land and consternation prevailed. The militia were called 
to arms, and soon a large part of those on both the Active 
and Alarm Lists were on their way towards Fort William 
Henry ; but Montcalm not taking advantage of his victory 
in the way that was expected, in about two weeks the troops 


The following are the officers of a troop of horse in 
Sudbury in 1762: — 

Capt. John Noyes 
1st Lieut. Israel Moore 
2ond Lieut. Richard Heard 
Cornet, Jonathan Parmenter 
Quarter Master, Samuel How. 

Officers of the troop of horse in Sudbury in 1771 : — 


Capt. Joseph Curtis Capt. Aaron Haynes 

1st Lieut. Micah Maynard. 1st Lieut. Daniel Bowker 

2ond Lieut. Ebenezer Staples. Ens. James Puffer. 
Ens^ Samuel Choate 


Capt. Samuel Knight 
1st Lieut. Moses Stone 

The foregoing lists indicate that the town was well repre- 
sented in the last French war, and that its militia force was 
quite strong. Some of the officers whose names are given 
were prominent citizens. Col. Josiah Brown has been men- 
tioned in connection with military operations of a preceding 
period. Capt. John Nixon, who in 1759, is mentioned as a 
citizen of Sudbury, was, subsequently, General Nixon of 
Revolutionary fame. Other of her soldiers who became 
efficient officers in the Revolutionary War received their first 
lessons in military tactics in this severe school. 

In one of the expeditions of this war, the town sustained 
the loss of Capt. Dakin and several others of its citizens, who 
were killed by the Indians at Half-Way Brook, near Fort 
Edward, July 20, 1758. At the time of this event, Capt. 
Dakin and his company were connected with the expedition 
of General Amherst against Crown Point. The following 
brief account of the attendant circumstances are stated in a 
diary kept by Lieut. Samuel Thomson of Woburn : — 

"July 20, Thursday in the morning, 10 men in a scout 
waylaid by the Indians and shot at and larmed the fort and 
a number of our men went out to assist them, and the enemy 
followed our men down to our Fort, and in their retreat, 


Capt. Jones and Lieut. Godfrey were killed, and Capt Law- 
rence and Capt. Dakin and Lieut. Curtis and Ens" Davis, 
and two or three non-commissioned officers and privates, to 
the number of 14 men, who were brought into the Fort, all 
scalped but Ens n Davis, who was killed within 30 or 40 
rods from the Fort: and there was one grave dug, and all 
of them were buried together, the officers by themselves at 
one end, and the rest at the other end of the grave ; and 
Mr. Morrill made a prayer at the grave, and it was a solemn 
funeral ; and Nath' Eaton died in the Fort and was buried ; 
and we kept a very strong guard that night of 100 men. 
Haggit [and] W m Coggin wounded." 

Then follows a list of the killed, beginning, — 

Capt. Ebenezer Jones of Willmington 
Capt Dakin of Sudbury 

Lieut Samuell Curtice of Ditto 
Private Grout of do 

" We have also an account that there are seven of our 
men carried into Ticonderoga, which make up the number 
of those that were missing. 

" 21. Friday, in y e forenoon a party of about 150 went 
out to find more men that were missing, and we found 4 men 
who were scalped, and we buried them, and so returned : 
and at prayer this evening we were Laromed by a false out- 
cry. Nicholas Brown died and was buried ; and Moses 
Haggit died." 

As Jonathan Patterson and Nathaniel Moulton of Sud- 
bury are reported missing, they may have been among the 
number above referred to. 

The following epitaph of Captain Dakin was written by 
William Rice, Esq., who was his orderly sergeant. 

Good by, Capt. Dakin Samuell. 

In a battle near Lake George he fell. 

In the death of Captain Dakin, a loss was sustained by 
the town, the church, and the province. The following 
sketch contains some facts concerning his life. 



Samuel Dalrin was a son of Deacon Joseph Dakin, whose 
father, Thomas, settled in Concord prior to 1650. In 1722, 
he married Mercy Minott, daughter of Colonel Minott who 
built the first framed house in Concord. The farm of Cap- 
tain Dakin was in the northern part of Sudbury, on the road 
running northerly to Concord, his house being very near the 
town boundary. As early as 1745, he was appointed ensign 
of the second company of foot in Sudbury, of which Josiah 
Richardson was captain and Joseph Buckminster was colonel. 
Sept. 10, 1755, he received the commission of captain in 
Col. Josiah Brown's regiment. In May, 1758, he received 
an order from Ebenezer Nichols to be present with his com- 
pany at Worcester on the 25th, and to furnish his men with 
" Bounty for Biliting." From Worcester he proceeded to 
Fort Edward, where he probably arrived about the middle 
of June, and in the vicinity of which he remained till his 
death, which occurred as before described. Captain Dakin 
was not only valiant in his country's service but valiant in 
the army of the Lord as well. His character as a Christian 
is indicated by the following covenant, copied from the 
original, which is still in the possession of one of his 


O, Thou Glorious God ! Thou hast promised merc} r in 
Christ Jesus, if I turn to Thee with my whole heart. I 
therefore upon the call of the Gospel, do come and throwing 
down my weapons of rebellion, do submit to Thy mercy, as 
Thou requirest as the condition of my acceptance with Thee, 
that I put away mine idols and be at defiance with Thine 
enemies, which I acknowledge I have wickedly sided with 
against Thee, I do now from my heart renounce them all, 
firmly covenanting with Thee not to allow myself in any 
known sin, but constantly to use all means that I know 
Thou hast prescribed, for the death and destruction of my 
corruptions, and as my heart has been running after this 
world and sin and vanity, I do now resign it to Thee that 
made it, protesting before Thy Glorious Majesty, that it is 


the firm resolution of my heart and that I do unfeignedly 
desire grace from Thee, that when Thou shalt call me here- 
unto, I may practice this my resolution, and by Thine 
assistance, to forsake that which is dear to me in this world, 
rather than turn from Thee to the ways of sin, and Thou 
wilt enable me to work against all temptations, whether in 
prosperity or in adversity, lest they draw my heart from 
Thee. O, Glorious God, I would again come before Thee 
with all possible veneration bowing myself at the feet of 
Thy Glorious Majesty. I do here take the Lord Jehovah, 
Father, Son and Holy Spirit, for my portion and chief good, 
and do give up myself body and soul for service to serve 
Thee all the days of my life I do here upon the bended 
knees of my soul, accept of Jesus as the only way by which 
sinners have access to God. I do this day take the Lord to 
be my Lord, and Jesus Christ to be my Saviour, resolving 
to serve Thee in all my affairs. I do renounce my former 
righteousness, and take Thee to be " The Lord my right- 
eousness " and am willing to take my lot as it falls, as to the 
goods of this world, leaving all my concerns with Thee, 
verily supposing that nothing separate me from the love of 
Jesus Christ my Lord and dear Redeemer, and from this 
day I shall be bold to call the Lord Jehovah my Father, and 
Jesus Christ my Redeemer, and the Holy Ghost my sancti- 
fier, hoping that my God will suffer no allowed sin to make 
void this covenant, and this covenant that I have made on 
,earth, may it be ratified in heaven. Amen & Amen. 

July 27th 1753. memorandum. 

This day renew this covenant having often broken it. 
The Lord accept me again for his great mercy sake in Jesus 

Sept. 29th 1756. memorandum. 

This day renew this covenant, having often broken it, 
although nothing hath failed on God's part and now going 
on an Expedition against the enemy at Crown point, I have 
given myself up wholly to God to be at His disposal in life 
or death, and O that God would accept of me again for Jesus 
Christ's sake. 


May 23d 1758. memorandum. 
This day renew this covenant with God, and while going 
on an expedition against Canada I have left myself wholly 
in the hands of God, to be at His disposal in life or death. 

Samuel Dakin. 

Captain Dakin's character is also shown by the following 
extracts from letters to his wife while he was serving in the 
Canada campaign. In a letter dated Sept. 26, 1755, he 
says : " I am in good health and my company are so obe- 
dient to me and so loving one to another that it makes my 
life exceeding comfortable and pleasant. I have never yet 
heard one thwarting word in my company, but they seem all 
to have a brotherly care one for another, and have never 
heard one profane word among them, and their forwardness 
to attend religious exercises is delightful to me so that I have 
many mercies." 

In a letter of June 10, 1758, he speaks of the condition of 
his company, and says: "they are all well, and I hope I 
shall be very happy in my company, and they are very ready 
to attend prayers and singing of Psalms which we have 
practiced on our journey." 

July 11, 1758, in writing from Lake George he says : 
"And now my dear wife and children, I desire you would 
not distress yourselves about me but commit me in your 
prayers to God to be wholly at his disposal and I hope by 
his preserving providence I shall after awhile rejoice with 
you again in my own house ; but if not I hope we shall all 
rejoice together in heaven which will be spiritually better." 
Before he closes his letter he asks for their prayers for him- 
self, his men, and the whole army. 

Such are some extracts from the correspondence of this 
Christian soldier. They serve, not only to set forth the 
character of the man, but of an officer in the military service 
of those times. Surely, if Captain Dakin was a representa- 
tive of that generation of men, no wonder that the cause for 
which they fought was at last triumphant. His descendants 
have been prominent citizens of Sudbury. Levi and Thomas, 
grandson and great grandson, were deacons in the Congre- 
gational Church. 


Not only were the New England towns called upon to 
furnish men for the war, but their equipment and mainten- 
ance also when in the field. As the soldiers to an extent 
enlisted for single campaigns, repeatedly, the expense of 
fitting out demanded new contributions. This condition 
of tilings occasioned heavy taxation and the issuing of bills of 
credit by the government. Besides the money provided by 
the public for the prosecution of the war, some means were 
furnished by the merchants, farmers and others for the 
encouragement of enlistments. 


Among other services rendered by the towns was the 
maintenance of what were termed French Neutrals, the 
people whom Longfellow has described in his poem, "Evan- 
geline." As Sudbury had some of these to care for, a few 
words relative to their general history may be appropriate. 
Upon the cession of the province of Nova Scotia by France 
to the British in 1713, a colony of about seven thousand 
French Roman Catholics became subjects of Great Britain. 
These colonists were allowed to remain on the land they had 
occupied, on condition of their taking the oath of allegiance 
to England. The oath was taken with the qualification 
that, in case of war against France, they were not to take 
up arms against their own countrymen. It was thus they 
acquired the name of French Neutrals. But it was alleged 
that, during the war which began in 1755, they furnished 
the French and Indians with substantial aid, thus enabling 
them the better to harass the English, that three hundred 
of them were found in arms at the taking of Fort Beau- 
Sejour, and that although an offer was made to such as had 
not resorted to arms to still hold their estate on taking the 
oath of allegiance without qualification, yet they one and all 
refused to do so. In view of this attitude, the English 
believed that the public safety required their removal from 
the- province. If they were taken to Canada they would 
still be enabled to assist the French. It was, therefore, 
determined to convey them to different parts of the British 
Colonies. The plan of removing them was largely intrusted 


to the forces of Massachusetts under command of Lieutenant- 
Colonel Win slow. 

At an appointed time, the people were called into the 
different ports "to hear the King's orders." About four 
hundred of their best men assembled at the village of Grand 
Pre. A guard being placed about the church where they 
were, Colonel Winslow made known his sad errand. 

One thousand of these French Neutrals arrived in the 
Massachusetts Bay Province and were supported at public 
expense. Different towns, among which was Sudbury, had 
their quota to care for. Repeatedly is there a record of 
supplies furnished them by the town. The following is a 
general statement of some of these, and also a bill of attend- 
ance and medicine furnished by Dr. Roby, one of Sudbury's 
old time physicians. 

An account of what hath been expended by s d Town of Sudbury on 
Sundry French Persons sent from Nova Scotia to this province and by 
s d government to Town of Sudbury. 

The subsisting of Eighteen persons ten days — six persons three 
weeks, and four persons twenty-three weeks, the whole amounting to 
one hundred and twenty-seven weeks for one person charged at four 
shillings week for each person £25 — 8 s 

Ephraim Curtis Ebenezer Roby 

Josiah Brown Josiah Haynes 

John Noyes Samuel Dakin 

Elijah Smith. Selectmen. 

Some of them being sick a great many comers and goers to visit 
them made the expense the greater even thirteen or fourteen at a time 
for a week together. 

State Archives, Vol. XXIII., page 98. 


For medicine and attendants for the French Neutrals from Nova 

1755, Dec. 11 — To Sundry Medicines for French young woman — 
27 — To Do. for girl 6 d 

1756, Mar. 22, — To Sundry Medicines and Journey in the night west 
side the River — 0—5-8 

To Sundry Medicines Journey west side 0-4-0 

To Do. 4" To Journey and Medicines 0-7-0 

To Do. £ for the old Gentleman when he fell off the House and was 
greatly bruised and sick of a fever the clavicula being broke. 


May, 1756, To medicine and attendants for the old Gentleman, the 
whole month of May and his wife greatest part of the time himself when 
dangerously sick of a fever, violent coughs and are still remaining in a 
low languishing condition. 

N. B. The above old gentleman and wife have been in a low lan- 
guishing condition all the spring and have had no more doctoring than 
what has been of absolute necessity. 

State Archives, Vol. XXIII., page 97. 

Melancholy, indeed, was the fate of those ancient Aca- 
dians. Although the circumstances were such that the 
English may have considered their removal a military neces- 
sity, yet the fact remains that sorrow and hardship attended 
their exile. They were strangers in a strange land. Their 
pleasant homes were abandoned, and with their lands passed 
into the hands of another race. 

" Waste are those pleasant farms and the farmers forever departed ; 
Scattered like dust and leaves when the mighty blasts of October 
Seize them, and whirl them aloft and sprinkle them far o'er the ocean." 

Feb. 10, 1763, a treaty of peace was signed at Paris, and 
the long, arduous struggle between the two great nations 
ceased. The announcement brought great joy to New Eng- 
land. Days of public thanksgiving were observed, and 
praise was offered unto Him " from whom all blessings flow." 
No longer was Canada to be a place from which a foe 
could sally forth to harass the exposed frontier, and to 
which he could return with his captives and booty. The 
same flag was to float over New England and beyond the 
northern border, and the Canadian fortresses were to be 
manned by English or American soldiers. 

In yet another way did thie war bring its benefits to 
Americans. It gave them a knowledge of the military 
tactics of Europe, by which they were the better able to 
cope with the British when, in after years, they met them 
on the memorable fields of the Revolutionary War. 

About ten years after the close of the war both precincts 
lost their pastors. The first that died was Mr. Cook, who 
passed away in 1760. That year the town voted "sixty-five 
pounds to each of the Rev d ministers for the year ensuing 


including their salary and fire wood ; in case they or either 
of them should decease before the expiration of the year, 
then they or either of them to receive their salary in propor- 
tion during the time they shall live and no longer." 

This may indicate that their death was anticipated. An- 
other record indicates that Mr. Cook had been sick some 
time when this vote was passed, as the town book goes on 
to state, " The same meeting granted thirty-three pounds, 
six shillings six pence to pay persons who had supplied the 
pulpit in Mr. Cook's confinement, and also granted thirty 
pounds more to supply the pulpit during his sickness, ajjd 
chose a committee to provide preaching in the meantime." 
May 11, 1761, the town appropriated seventeen pounds, six 
shillings, eight pence " out of the money granted for the 
Rev. Mr. Cook's salary in the year 1760, to defray the Rev. 
Mr. Cook's funeral expenses." 

Mr. Cook had one son who taught the grammar school for 
years in Sudbury, and died of a fever in 1758. After the 
decease of Mr. Cook, another minister was soon sought for 
on the east side. A little disturbance, and perhaps delay, 
was occasioned "by a petition sent to the General Court 
relating to the settlement of another minister on the east 
side the river. But the matter was amicably adjusted by 
a vote of the town ; whereby it decided " not to send an 
agent to the General Court to show cause or reason why the 
petition of Deacon Adam Stone and others relating to the 
settlement of a Gospel minister on the East side the river 
should not be granted." The town furthermore voted, that 
the " prayers of the petition now in Court should be granted, 
Provided the Court would Grant and confirm the like Privi- 
lege to the West Church and Congregation when there shall 
be reason. John Noyes Moderator." 

The way cleared of obstructions a new pastor was soon 
found. Choice was made of Rev. Josiah Bridge. Oct. 14, 
1761, Capt. Moses Maynard was allowed twelve shillings 
" for his travel to Lunenburg to wait on Mr. Bridge ; " and, 
at the same meeting, it was " voted to grant to Mr. Bridge 
his settlement and salary as he had contracted with the East 


Precinct for, and ordered the assessors to assess the inhabi- 
tants of the town for the same." 

Delegates were duly chosen by the West Side Church, 
Nov. 3, 1761, to attend Mr. Bridge's ordination, — Deacon 
Haynes, John Haynes, Josiah Richardson, and Cornelius 
Wood. Mr. Bridge was a native of Lexington, and graduate 
of Harvard College in 1758. He was ordained Nov. 4, 1761, 
and died June 19, 1801, aged sixty-two, and in the fortieth 
year of his ministry. A few years after Mr. Cook's decease 
Rev. Mr. Loring also passed away, his death occurring 
March 9, 1772. 

The West Church voted, April 7, 1772, " to set apart 
Thursday next as a day of Fasting and prayer to seek ye 
direction and blessing of heaven on the endeavor to settle 
another Gospel Minister among them." Also, " voted that 
the Rev. Mr. Stone of Southboro, Rev. Mr. Bridge of the 
East Precinct, Rev. Mr. Bridge of Framingham, and Rev. 
Mr. Swift of Marlboro be requested to give their presence 
and assistance. Exercises to commence at 10 o'clock." 
May 6, 1772, the town " granted Eighteen pound Lawful 
money for to pay the charge of Rev. Mr. Loring's Funeral," 
also at the same date it was " voted that the remainder of 
the [money] granted to pay the Rev. Mr. Loring's salary 
should be applied for supplying the pulpit." 


The service of Mr. Loring in the church at Sudbury was 
long and fruitful. He died in the ninetieth year of his age 
and the sixty-sixth year of his ministry. It was said of him 
that " as he earnestly desired and prayed that he might be 
serviceable as long as he should live, so it pleased God to 
vouchsafe his request, for he continued to preach 'till the 
last Sabbath but one before his death, and the next day 
prayed in the town meeting, which was on the 2 nd day of the 
month. The night following he was taken ill, and oh the 
9 th of March 1772, he expired." Mr. Loring had pious 
parentage. His father, Mr. John Loring of Hull, came from 
England, Dec. 22, 1634. It has been said of him that, like 


Obadiah, " he feared the Lord greatly." His mother was 
also religious, and " prayed with her family in her husband's 
absence." Mr. Loring was born at Hull, Mass., April 6, 
1682. It is supposed he was converted in his youth. He 
graduated at Harvard College in 1701. He began to preach 
at Scituate, lower parish, Aug. 1, 1703, and preached first 
at Sudbury July 29, 1705. In the year 1723, on the 25th of 
July, he removed to the west side of the river, where he 
continued in service until flesh and strength failed. He left 
two sons and four daughters, his son Jonathan having died 
some years before the death of his father. Elizabeth, born 
Nov. 16, 1712, married Richard Manson of Sudbury, June 6, 
1746. Mary, born Sept. 14, 1716, married Elisha Wheeler, 
and died, Jan. 22, 1801. Nathan, born Nov. 27, 1721, mar- 
ried Keziah Woodward, Dec. 31, 1747, who died July 28, 
1754. He married a second time, and died April 25, 1803. 
" He was a farmer, and lived on the place afterwards owned 
by Loring Wheeler 1st." On the fidelity of Mr. Loring's 
ministry we need offer no comments: his works are his 
memorials. At the time of his installation at Sudbury the 
church numbered one hundred and twenty, — forty-one 
males and seventy-nine females. During his ministry four 
hundred and fifty were added to it ; of these, forty-two 
males and sevent}--two females were added before the divi- 
sion of the church, and, after the division, there were added 
to the West Church one hundred and twenty-nine males and 
two hundred and seven females. The whole number of 
children baptized by Mr. Loring in Sudbury was fourteen 

It has been said concerning his service on the West Side, 
" Thus did this excellent and venerable man thro' a long 
series of years, burn and shine in eminent Piety, indefati- 
gable Dilligence, faithfulness, and distinguished usefulness 
of truly primitive stamp. Heu Pietas ! lieu prisca Fides ! " 
It is said, further, that he was " honored and revered by all 
whose regards were worth receiving ; and for a great number 
of years was the head and the glory and delight of the 
ministiy." Beside these substantial testimonials of merit, 


he has left various publications which also set forth his 
worth. Some of these printed works are as follows : — 

"The nature and necessaty of the New Birth, (a ser- 
mon.) Printed for and sold by D. Henchman, over against 
the British meeting house. MDCCXXVIII." 

" Serious thoughts on the miseries of hell. (Preached at 
Sudbury, Sunday, Feb. 20, 1731-2.)" 

Several other sermons on important religious subjects 
were published, also an election sermon, of date 1739; a 
convention sermon, 1742, and others not mentioned here, 
making in all eleven publications. He also kept a succes- 
sion of diaries, some of which are still extant. They are 
closely written and somewhat hard to be read, but contain 
valuable matter that pertains to the affairs of both province 
and town. Mr. Loring was a strong Calvinist, an earnest 
preacher and somewhat noted minister. It is said he did 
not like the ways of Mr. Whitefield, the evangelist, and the 
excitement attendant upon his revivals ; and this, together 
with some other matters, led to some unpleasantness for a 
time. He was fine looking, tall, slender, and of dark com- 
plexion. When he lived on the East Side, he occupied the 
parsonage which the town provided for Mr. Sherman. In 
1778, the town voted " to give to Mr. Isreal Loring our 
present minister ye 4 acres of land and ye building now 
upon it y' ye bought of John Loker to him and his heirs 
forever, on y e s d Mr. Isreal Loring relinquishing }'e £50 
which y e town granted him." (See Chapter XV.) 

Thus lived and died a good and great man ; but " though 
dead he yet speaketh." 

" The precious memory of the just 
Shall flourish when they sleep in dust." 

After the death of Mr. Loring, the church did not remain 
long dependent upon a temporary supply. On July 27, 
1772, it proceeded to select a Gospel minister, and the Rev. 
Jacob Bigelow was unanimously chosen. He was to have a 
salary of seventy-four pounds. He was ordained Nov. 11, 
1772. The following churches were represented on the occa- 


sion of ordination : East Precinct, Josiah Bridge ; Waltham, 
Jacob Cushing ; Weston, Samuel Woodward ; Sherburn, 
Elijah Brown ; Framingham, Matthew Bridge ; Lexington, 
Jonas Clark ; Westborough, Ebenezer Parkman. 


For a time preceding the Revolution, the West Side was 
divided into the North and South Wards. In 1765, Richard 
Heard offered to collect the taxes on the East Side the river 
for three pence per pound if they would appoint him col- 
lector and constable ; and Aaron Haynes offered to collect 
them for the North Ward, West Side, and Jedediah Par- 
menter for the South Ward at the same rates. 

In 1765, the town " voted to build a new stone pound 
between Lieut. Augustus Moors' dwelling house at the 
gravel pit, on Col. Noyes land which he promised to give 
the town to set a pound on by Dead." The pound was to 
be " 30 feet square from Enside to Enside 6 ft high with 
pieces of timber locked together round the top 8 inches 
square, for six pounds and the old pound." 

In 1771, the town voted to build a powder-house in which 
to keep the town's stock of ammunition. It granted for 
this object " 7 pounds 9 shillings and 4 pence, and agreed 
with Col. John Noyes to build it, and place it near or on 
W m Baldwin's land near Major Curtis'." Another record 
of the same year states that " the town voted to erect the 
powder house on the training field near Mr. Elisha Wheel- 
ers." In 1773, it " voted to remove the powder house to 
some suitable place on or near the gravel pit hill, and chose 
a committee to remove the same, if the committee should 
think the house will be sufficient for the use it was built for, 
and rough cast and underpin said building." 

In 1772, the town "gave leave to John Balcom, Joseph 
Willis, Abijah Brigham, and Jonathan Smith, to set up a 
small House on the town land near the west meeting house 
for the people to repair to on the Sabbath day." There may 
have been other similar buildings erected near. They were 
intended as a convenient resort for the people, during the 


interval between services on Sunday, for the purpose of 
warming themselves and eating their dinners. 

May 17, 1773, the town chose a committee " to consider 
and report what is proper to be done in order to suppress 
that set of men in this town, who make it their business to 
trade with and cheat strangers." The committee reported 
as follows : — 

" That for the benefit of the public; the names and char- 
acter of the persons belonging to and residing in Sudbury 
hereafter named .... are persons who go about the country 
and cheat honest men by purchasing their horses, cattle and 
other effects, by telling fair stories, and promising short pay, 
should be published in the several newspapers, that the 
Public may be cautioned against trading with or trusting 
them on any account." 

The town accepted of the report, and chose a committee 
to find out the persons who aided and assisted in the work, 
" by purchasing the horses and cattle &c at a low price 
which they know are obtained in such a clandestine way 
and manner, that their names may be exposed in like man- 
ner. Also voted, that the town Clerk send an attest copy 
to the several Printers in the town of Boston, to be printed 
for the benefit of the public." 



War of the Revolution. — Causes of It. — Attitude of the Town Relative 
to the Stamp Act. — Instructions to the Representative Concerning 
It. — Report of the Committee Relative to the Importation of Tea. <— 
Patriotic Resolutions of the Town. — Instructions to its Represen- 
tatives. — An Old Document Descriptive of the Times. — Military 
Preparations. — Choice of Militia Officers. — Organization of Minute 
Companies. — Names and Captains of Companies. — Muster Rolls. — 
Equipments. — .Drill. — Call Roll of Captain Nixon's Company. — 
Military Stores Removed to Sudbury. — The Alarm. — The Muster- 
ing and March. — The Arrival at Concord. — The Encounter at the 
North Bridge. — Retreat of the British. — The Pursuit. — Encounter 
at Merriam's Corner. — At Hardy's Hill. — Incident. — Sudbury's 
Loss. — Sketch of Deacon Josiah Haynes. — Sketch of Mr. Asahel 

Far as the tempest thrills 

Over the darken'd hills, 
Far as the sunshine streams over the plain, 

Roused by the tyrant band, 

Woke all the mighty land, 
Girded for battle from mountain to main. 

O. W. Holmes. 

The period from 1775 to 1800, in this country, may truly 
be termed the' period of the Revolution. It witnessed the 
commencement and close of armed opposition to the British 
Crown, and the establishment, in America, of a new nation- 
ality. In the work of overthrowing the old and establishing 
a new government, the several provincial towns had a 
common concern ; each supplied its quota and each stood 
ready to respond to the country's call. Sudbury, on account 
of its situation and size, bore a prominent part. It was the 
most populous town in Middlesex County ; its territory was 
extensive, and for a time in close proximity to the seat of 



war: for these reasons, much was expected of it, and its 
patriotism was equal to the demand. Before a consideration 
in detail of the part taken by the town in this stormy 
period we will notice in brief the causes of the war. The 
thirteen original States were, for the most part, settled by 
English emigrants. They loved the mother country, its 
institutions and laws, and had no desire to throw off alle- 
giance so long as England respected their rights. The two 
countries had stood together on the fields of successive wars, 
they had things in common to be shared and kept, — one 
language set forth their traditions, one literature contained 
their history and laws. It was natural and desirable that 
they should have but one flag and sustain one general gov- 
ernment. But causes worked to alienate and bring about 
a final rupture. The colonies were oppressed with excessive 
taxation, denied the rights of their ancient charters, refused 
representation in council and the right of petition at court. 
Misguided and rash officials were placed in their midst, and 
they were subject, in various other obnoxious ways, to checks 
on their peace and prosperity. 

Before hostilities broke out, protests were repeatedly pre- 
sented to the Crown against its despotic proceedings; but 
the colonies had little hope of English concession, hence, 
great activit}' prevailed in council, and the people prepared 
to meet the worst. Resolutions were passed, and such plans 
laid for aggressive and defensive measures as the exigencies 
of the province required. In these measures Sudbury had 
her share. The town was usually present, by delegates, in 
response to all calls, and her vote was stanch for the conti- 
nental cause. In 1770, the people manifested their hearty 
appreciation of the agreement of merchants in Boston " to 
stop the importation of British goods, and engaged for them- 
selves and all within their influence, to countenance and 
encourage the same." At an early day, they chose a com- 
mittee to prepare and present instructions to Peter Noyes, 
Representative to the General Court, in regard to the Stamp 
Act, which set forth their opinions very strongly concerning 
that petty piece of tyranny. Record after record appears on 
the Town Book, of resolutions and acts that show how posi- 


tive the people were in their patriotism, and how pronounced 
they were in declaring it. These are of such a character 
that to give a few of them will suffice. 

1773. The Town being met, the committee appointed by the town 
to take into consideration the affair relating to the Tea sent here by the 
East India Company, reported as follows, viz." — 

Taking into Consideration the late Conduct of administration, to- 
gether with an act of Parliament enabling the East India Company to 
export their Teas unto America Free of all, Duties and Customs, Regu- 
lations and penalties in America as are provided by the revenue Act ; 
we are justly alarmed at this Detestable Craft and Policy of the Min- 
istry to deprive us of our American Liberties Transmitted to us by our 
Worthy Ancestors, at no less expense than that of their Blood and 
Treasure. That price our Renowned Forefathers freely paid, that they 
might transmit those Glorious Liberties as a free, full, and fair inher- 
itance to Posterity, which liberties through the Indulgent Smiles of 
Heaven, we have possessed in peace and Quietness, till within a few 
years Past (Excepting in the reign of the Detestable Stewarts) but now 
Behold ! the pleasing scene is changed, the British ministry, assisted 
by the Inveterate Enemies to American Liberty on this as well as on 
the other side of the Atlantick, Combining together to Rob us of our 
dear Bought freedom; have Brought us to this sad Dilemma, either to 
resolve like men in defense of our just Rights and Liberties, or sink 
under the weight of their Arbitrary and unconstitutional measures into 
a State of abject Slavery. Therefore as Freeborn Americans Intitled 
to all the immunities, Liberties and Privileges of Freeborn Englishmen, 
we look upon ourselves under the Strongest Obligations to use our 
utmost Exertions in defense of our just Rights in every constitutional 
method within our Power, Even though the Cost of the Defense should 
equal that of the purchase. Therefore resolved 

1 st That as we are entitled to all the Privileges of British Subjects, 
we have an undoubted and exclusive Right to Grant our own monies 
for the support of Government and that no Power on Earth has a right 
to Tax or make Laws binding us, without our consent. 

2dly That the British Parliament laying a Duty on Tea Payable in 
America, for the express purpose of Raising a Revenue, is in our 
opinion an unjust Taxation, and that the specious method of permitting 
the East India Company to export their Teas into the Colonies, has a 
direct tendency to rivet the Chain of Slavery upon us. 

3dly. That we will lend all the aid and assistance in our Power in 
every Rational Method, to hinder the Importations of Teas, so long as 
it is subject to a duty ; and that this Town are well pleased with, and 
highly approve of that Resolution in particular entered into by the 
Town of Boston, viz that they will not suffer any Tea to be imported 
into that Town while subject to an unrighteous Duty ; and it is the 


desire and expectation of this Town that said resolution be not relaxed 
in any Degree ; which if it should it would much lesson that confidence 
(which we hope we may justly say) we have reason to place in that 
respectable metropolis 

4 thly That the Persons appointed by the East India Company to 
receive and vend their Teas (by their obstinate refusal to resign their 
odious Commission) have shown a ready disposition to become the 
Tools of our Enemies, to oppress and enslave their Native Country, and 
have manifested such stupidity and wickedness to prefer private Inter- 
est to the good of their Country, and therefore can expect no favor or 
respect from us ; but we leave them to accumulate a load of Infamy, 
proportionate to their vileness. 

5 " That whoever shall sell, buy, or otherwise use Tea, while sub- 
ject to and poisened with a Duty, shall be deemed by us Enemies to 
their Country's welfare ; and shall be treated by us as such. The Town 
by their Vote Ordered the foregoing resolves to be recorded in the 
Town Book, and a Copy of the same to be forwarded to the Committee 
of Correspondence at Boston, with our sincere thanks to that Respect- 
able Town, for their Manly Opposition to every minsterial measure to 
enslave America. 

Thomas Plympton, Ezekiel Howe, John Maynard ) 
Sampson Belcher, Phinehas Glezen, Josiah Langdon f 

With like spirit the town expressed itself in the following 
instructions to Peter Noyes, its Representative to the Court : 

Sir, you being chosen by the inhabitants of this town to represent 
them in the Great and General Court or Assembly of their Province, 
we think proper at this critical Day, when our invaluable rights and 
privileges are so openly invaded to give you the following instructions. 

That you invariably adhere to and steadfastly maintain (so far as you 
are able) all our Charter Rights and Priveleges and that you do [not] 
consent to give them or any of them up, on any pretense whatever. 
That you make use of all your influence, that some effective method be 
devised and pursued for the restoration of our violated rights and 
redress of all our grievances. That you use your endeavors that the 
Governor be prevailed upon to make a grant for the payment of our 
agent chosen by the Representative body of the Province to present 
our complaint to the ears of our King 

John Maynard. "] 

Sampson Belcher. I 

John Balcom. ! 

„,. -D- T r Committee. 

W m Rice, Jr. 

Phineas Gleason. j 

Aaron Merriam. J 


Nov. 14, 1774, the town voted " their approbation of the 
several measures of the Provincial Congress so far as has 
been communicated to them." It also voted, at the same 
meeting, " to choose a committee to observe the conduct of 
all persons touching the association agreement entered into 
by the Continental Congress, whose business it shall be to 
see the articles contained therein are strictly adhered to by 
the inhabitants of this town." 

In 1774, the town chose Thomas Plympton, Capt. Richard 
Heard, and James Mossman to represent it at the proposed 
Provincial Congress. The records just quoted are a few 
from many that show the fidelity of Sudbury to the great 
cause of freedom in those tumultuous times. It was decided 
as to the true principle of action, and equally prompt and 
consistent in carrying it out. Enough has been said to show 
the town's place in that preparatory period that led to the 
clash of arms ; but we will quote a paper written by a Revo- 
lutionary soldier of Sudbury, which shows the spirit of the 
age and gives a synopsis of events and the way in which 
they were viewed by one living in town at the time of their 
occurrence ; and although, in presenting this paper, we may 
anticipate some of the events we are about to narrate, yet 
we think it proper to do this, rather than make a break in a 
paper so valuable both to local and general history. 

" The Causes that led the Colonies to Take up armes 
Against the Mother Country is proper to be Shown To 
Prove the Necessity the Colonies were under to resist the 
oppressive Measures which the Colonies were laid under ; 
namely the stamp act; on the Stamp act Being Repaled, an 
act called the Declaritory act, more oppressive and Hostile 
to American Rights than any thing that had Preceded it. 
A Cargo of Tea was consigned To the Friends of the Royal 
Governor Hutchinson with a duty [of] three pence on a 
pound, but the inhabitants of Massachusetts [being] Deter- 
mined not to pay that Duty, a Party of men in Disguise 
Entered on bord the Ships and Destroyed Three Hundred 
and Forty Two Chests of Tea. After these proceedings 
were received in England The Excitement was very strong 


against Massachusetts and Particularly against Boston, 
which was considered The seat of Rebellion. A Bill was 
then Brought forward that was called the Boston Port Bill ; 
the Port of Boston was Precluded the Privelege of Landing 
and Discharging or Loading and Sniping goods. The words 
Whigs and Tories was introduced about this Time. To the 
Honor of Sudbury there was Not any of the latter Glass to 
be found within the limits [of] Sudbury. 

" The People were Carfull to Promote men that were 
Strongly opposed to British Tireny. The Town of Boston 
Passed a vote to stop all importation from Great Britain and 
the West Indies. 

" Requesting the other Colonies to fall in with the same 
Resolve, Many of the inhabitants of . . . signed a Resolve 
not to buy any imported goods. Most Noted Men in Boston 
that took the lead . . . were James Otis John Hancock 
and Samuel Adams ; in September 1774 Ninty of the Rep- 
resentatives of Massachusetts Met at Salem and formed 
What was Called the Provincial Congress and adjourned to 
Concord. Here they chose John Hancock President, and 
drew up a Plan for the immediate Defense of the Province 
By appointing officers, also Pased a Resolve to get in 
Readiness to Compose an Army at the shortest Notis and 
called Minute men. The minute company in Sudbury was 
commanded by Capt John Nixon afterwards General, the 
North Melitia Company was commanded [by] Capt. Aaron 
Haynes The South By Capt. Moses Stone, the orders were 
for Every man to be supplied with a Gun and Bagnet 
Cartrege Box and 36 Rounds, our Guns to [be] Kept in 
Good Repair. The men that were freed by Ege from doing 
Militory Duty formed themselves into a Company Called the 
Alarm Company Commanded by Capt. Jabez Puffer. Train- 
ings were as often as once a week the three fall months, in 
the winter Not so often. The young Men In the Winter 
months made a Practis of calling on their officers Evenings 
and going through the Manual Exercise In Barn Flours. I 
have exercised many a Night With my Mittens on. Such 
was the Patriotic sperit that Reigned in the Brest of Every 
True American Never to stain the Glory of our worthy 


Ancestors but like them Resolve never to part with our 
birthright. To be wise in our deliberations and determined 
in our Exertions for the preservation of our libertys, being 
Irritated by Repeated Injuries and Striped of our inborn 
rights and dearest Priveleges ; The Present Generation may 
view those Transactions with surprise ; every Rational mind 
must feel satisfied of the overruling hand of Providence. 
To bring about the great event here we must Cast our Eyes 
on the Father of Mercies with a full belief that He would 
Make his arm beare For us as he did for our Ancestors 
that we should be Enabled to Defend and Maintain our 
Rights Boath of a Civil and Religious Nature. With these 
impressions Strongly impressed in their Hearts on the morn- 
ing of [the] Ever Memorable 19 th of April 1775 Husbands 
left their wifes and Fathers their daughters Sones their 
Mothers Brothers their Sisters to Meet a Haughty Foe. 

" On this eventful morning an Express From Concord to 
Tho s Plympton Esq r who was then a Member of the Pro- 
vintial Congress [stated] that the British were on their way 
to Concord : In 35 Minites between 4 and 5 oclock in the 
Morning, the Sexton was immadelly Called on, the bell 
Ringing and the Discharge of Musket which was to give the 
alarm. By sunrise the greatest part of the inhabitants were 
Notified. The morning was Remarkable fine and the Inhab- 
itants of Sudbury Never can make such an important appear- 
ance Probably again. Every Countenance appeared to 
Discover the importance of the event. Sudbury Companies 
were but a short distance From the North Bridg, when the 
first opposition was made to the Haughty Enemy. The 
Dye was Cast and the Torch Lit by which means we Have 
Becom an independent Nation, and may the present gener- 
ation and those unborn, preserve unimparred the Libertys, 
sivel and Religious so long as Time Endures — 

" On the 19 of April, I was Runing across a Lot where 
there was a bend in [the] Road in order to get a Fair Shot, 
at the Enemy, in company with a Scotchman who was. in 
Braddock's Defeat 19 year Before, after we had Discharged 
our Guns I observed to the Sco 1 who appeared very Com- 


Unitarian Church, Town House and Methodist Church, 

Sudbury Centre. 


posed I wished I felt as Calm as he appeared to be — [He 
said] its a Tread to be Larnt, 

" Before I served through one Campain I Found the Scots 
Remark to be a just one — 

" The old soldiers Name is John Weighton He informed 
me he had been in seven Battles and this Eight." (Stearns 


Nov. 14, 1774, " it was voted, that the town recommend 
to the several companies of militia to meet far the choice of 
officers for their respective companies, as recommended by the 
Provincial Congress. Also voted, that a company of militia 
on the East side, meet on Thursday next at twelve o'clock at 
the East meeting house in Sudbury, to choose their officers ; 
and that the companies on the West side to meet at the West 
meeting house at the same time and for the same purpose." 

Besides looking after the militia, the town took measures 
to form companies of minute men. These, as the name 
implies, were to hold themselves in readiness to act at a 
minute's warning. The officers received no commissions, 
but held their positions by vote of the men. Two such 
companies were formed, one on each side of the river. 
There was also a troop of horse composed of men from both 
precincts. Besides these companies of able-bodied men, there 
was an alarm company composed of men exempt from mili- 
tary service. The names of the companies were, — 

North Militia Co. West Side, Capt. Aaron Haynes GO men 

East Militia Co. East Side. Capt. Joseph Smith, 75 men 

South Militia Co. (Lanham District) both Sides. Capt. Moses Stone 92 men. 

Troop of Horse. Both Sides. Capt. Isaac Loker. 21 men. 

Minute Co. West Side. Capt. John Nixon. 58 men 

Minute Co. East Side. Capt. Nathaniel Cudworth. 40 men. 

These make, besides the alarm list of Jabez Puffer, six com- 
panies — three hundred and forty-eight men — in process of 
preparation for the coming struggle. 

The muster rolls of these companies, as present at the 
Concord and Lexington battle, have for the most part been 


preserved, and are here given as found in State and town 
documents. They may not, in every case, give the names 
of all who were on the rolls of either militia or minute men 
in 1774 ; and they may also contain names which were not 
properly of the companies in whose rolls they stand. But 
this may be explained by the fact that these rolls represent 
those who were in the Lexington and Concord fight, and 
that the alarm company and troop were mingled with other 
companies of the town on that memorable day. 

A muster Roll of Militia Company and part of an Alarm Company 
that marched to Cambridge by Concord on the Alarm on the nineteenth 
of April last under the command of Capt, Aaron Haynes of Sudbury 
and returning home. 

Aaron Haynes Capt, Thomas Puffer 

Daniel Bowker Lieut, Rufus Parmenter 

James Puffer Lieut, James 

Joshua Haynes Sergt, Ebenezer Plympton 

Samuel Dakin " Abel Tower 

Samuel Puffer " Francis Green 

Jonathan Haynes " Jason Haynes 

Benjamin Smith Corp. Joseph Haynes 

Ashael Balcom " Israel Brigham 

Hope Brown " Abel Willis 

Ithamon Rice " Isaac Rice 

Phineas Puffer, Clark John Bemis 

Aaron Haynes Moses Noyes 

Abel Maynard, Private David Moore 

Micah Maynard Abijah Brigham 

John Maynard Israel Haynes 

Jonas Haynes Edmund Parmenter 

Isaac Puffer Henry Smith 

Oliver Dakin Dea Thomas Plympton 

Silas How Lieut Dakin 
Sworn to by Capt. Aaron Haynes, Jan. 20, 1770 

A muster roll of the Company under the Command of Capt. Joseph 

Smith, in Col. James Barret's Regiment from Sudbury on April 
19 th 1775, in persuit of the ministerial Troops 

Capt, Joseph Smith Isaac Damon 

Lieut, Josiah Farrar John Tilton Jr. 

Lieut, Ephraim Smith John Cutting 

Ensign Timothy Underwood Samuel Tilton Jr, 

Sergeant William Bent Amos Addaway 

Sergeant Samuel Griffin Travis 



Sergeant Robert Cutting 
Sergeant John Bruce 
Corporal Samuel Tilton 
Corporal Nathaniel Smith 
Corporal Peter Johnson 
Corporal John Merriam 
Drumer Thomas Trask 
Edmund Sharman 
Timothy Bent 
Micah Rice 
Isaac Gould 
John Barney 
Jacob Gould 
Benjaman Dudley 
Zachariah Briant Jr, 
Ebenezer Johnson 
Jonathan Bent 
Simon Belcher 
Joel Stone 

Roland Bennett 
Isaac Stone 
John Stone 
Isaac Rice Jr, 
William Dudley 
John Peter 
Francis Jones 
James Sharmon 
Samuel Sharmon 
Joseph Goodenow 
Josiah Allen 
Elisha Cutting 
John Dean 
James Goodenow 
Ephraim Bowker, 
Jonathan Cutting 
James Davis 
Jason Parmenter 

Middlesex Dec 21 8t 1775, The above named Joseph Smith made 
solemn oath to the truth of the above roll, Before me, Moses Gill* 
Justice Peace. 

These Certify that the mens names 
y e 19th f April last to Head Q™ we 
Col How of Sudbury and Moses Stone 

Moses Stone Cap 4 
Jon a Rice L* 
Joseph Goodenow 2 Lt. 
Joseph Moore Serg' 
Ephr m Carter Corp 1 
David How 
Benj a Berry 
Jon a Carter 
Elijah Goodnow 
David How 
Ezek 1 How jr. 
Jonas Wheeler 
Isaac Lincoln 

The above named were 
Peter Haynes 
L' Elisha Wheeler 
Aaron Goodnow 
Thomas Walker 
Eben r Burbank 

The above named were 

hereafter annex'd marched on 
being under Command of Lt 

Tho* Ames 
Thomas Burbank 
Nath 1 Bryant 
Israel Maynard 
Tho 8 Carr jun r 
Isaac Moore 
Uriah Moore 
Abner Walker 
W ra Walker 
Abel Parmenter 
Dan 1 Csburn 
Tho 8 Derumple 

out four days. 

Tho" Derumple 

Nath 1 Brown 

Uriah Hayden 

Israel Willis 

Calven Clark 
out three days. 



Province of the Massachusetts D r to Isaac Locker and the men 
under me by name in y e Colony for service done in defence of the 
Country on y e 19 th day of April to y e 21 8t of the same when the alarm at 
Concord, agreable to the General Courts Order — made up this Acco' 

Isaac Locker 
U Oliver Noyes 
Q r M r Ja 8 Puffer 
Corp 1 Ja 8 Noyes 
Corp Jesse Gibbs 
Corp 1 Abel Smith 
Da 1 Woo d Moore 
Eph " Moore 
Jonas Wheeler 
Jesse Mossman 
Rufus Bent 
Jason Bent 
W Wyman 
Jo 8 Rutter 
W m Noyes 

Tim Sharmon 
Dan 1 Moore J r 
David Curtis 
Zach h Heard 
Jacob Jones 
Nath 1 Knowlton 
Jonas Rice 
Nathan Stearns 
Micah Greaves 
Nath' Jenison 
Steph n Locker 
Asaph Travis 
Jonas Locker 
Simon Newton 
David Heard 

A List of a Company of Minute Men under the command of Capt. 

John Nixon, in Col Abijah Pierce's Regiment who entered the service 

April 19 th 1775 

David Moore Lieut Abel Holden " 

Ashael Wheeler 2 d Lieut Hopestill Brown Corp. 

Micah Goodnow Sergt Jesse Moore " 

Elijah Willis " Uriah Wheeler " 

Jeremiah Robbins " William Moore 


Joseph Balcom 
Philemon Brown 
Samuel Brigham 
Samuel Cutting 
Asher Cutler 
William Dun 
Aaron Ames 
Robert Ames 
Eliab Moore 
Uriah Moore 
Isaac Moore 
John Moore 
Josiah Richardson 
Nathan Read 
Charles Rice 
James Rice 
Ezra Smith 

Rueben Haynes 
Joshua Haynes 
Caleb Wheeler 
John Weighten 
Simon Kingman 
Israel Willis 
Hopestill Willis 
Ebenezer Wood 
Jonas Holden 
Elisha Wheeler 
Daniel Loring 
Thadeus Moore 
William Maynard 
Daniel Maynard 
John Shirley 
Peter Smith 
Abraham Thompson 


Samuel Gleason Daniel Weight 

Thomas Goodenow Nathaniel Rice 

Jesse Goodenow Daniel Putman 

William Goodenow Micah Grant 

Sworn to by Lt. Asahel Wheeler, Feb. 3, 1776. 

A muster Role of the Minute Company under the command of Capt. 
Nathaniel Cudworth in Col. Abijah Pierce's Regiment. 

Nathaniel Cudworth Capt. Samuel Pollard 

Thadeus Russel, Lieut. Daniel Rice 

Nathaniel Maynard Ensign Samuel Whitney 

Nathaniel Reeves Sergent Benjamin Adams 

Jonathan Hoar " Samuel Curtis 

Caleb Moulton ; ' Richard Heard Jr 

Thomas Rutter " Samuel Bent 

Joseph Willington Corp. Samuel Haynes 

Thadeus Bond " Joseph Nicolls 

David Clough " William Grout 

Joshua Kendall " Samuel Merriam 

John Trask Drummer David Underwood 

Phineas Gleason Private Naum Dudley 

Ebenezer Dudley James Phillips 

John Noyes Jr Edmund Rice Jr. 

Timothy Underwood Nathaniel Parmenter 

Peter Britnell David Damon 

Zebediah Farrar David Rice 

Jonathan Parmenter Jr Edward How 

Jonathan Wesson Timothy Sharmon 

Sworn to by Nathaniel Cudworth, Feb. 21, 1776. 

In 1776, the town " voted to pay each of the minute men 
one shilling and sixpence for training one half day in a week, 
4 hours to be esteemed a half day, after they were enlisted 
and until called into actual service or dismissed ; and the 
Captains 3 shilling and Lieutenants 2 shillings and six pence 
and the ensign 2 shillings." 

The foregoing muster rolls represent about one-fifth of 
the entire population. The number in actual service at the 
Concord and Lexington fight three hundred and two. The 
following report shows to what extent these companies were 


" Sudbury March y f 27 th 1775 : 

" The Return of the Severall Companys of Militia and 
Minute in s d Town viz. 

" Capt. Moses Stone's Company — 92 men of them, 18 no 
guns, at Least one third part y e forelocks unfit for Sarvis 
others wais un a quipt. 

" Capt. Aaron Hayns Company — 60 men weel provided 
With Arms the most of them Provided with Bayonets or 
hatchets a boute one quarter Part with Catrige Boxes. 

" Capt. Joseph Smith's Company consisting of 

75 able Bodied men forty well a quipt twenty Promis to 
find and a quip themselves Emedetly fifteen no guns and 
other wais un a quipt 

"The Troop Capt. Isaac Locer (Loker) — 21 Besides 
what are on the minit Role well a quipt. 

" Returned by Ezekiel How. Left" Con 1 " (Stearns 

It is not strange that, at the time this report was given, 
the troops had not been fully equipped. It was not easy to 
provide for so many at once, but the following record may 
indicate that the town had been endeavoring to supply the 
deficiency since the preceding fall, Oct. 3, 1774. 

To Capt. Ezekiel How for 20 guns and Bayonets 27 — — 2 
600 pounds Lead S— 16— 

300 french Flynts [9 or] 19— —11 

Chest for the arms and carting them 7 — 2 — 2 

Probably before the 19th of April they were fairly 
equipped for service, as there is among the town papers a 
bill to one of the minute companies for ammunition that the 
town had supplied. Each man mentioned had, for the most 
part, received about a pound of powder and two pounds of 
balls for which a charge was made of one pound, one shilling. 

In the matter of military drill, the men showed a spirit of 
perseverance which indicates their expectation of rough 
work. It was by no dress parade or review on some gala 
occasion when, with burnished muskets and uniforms gay 
and bright, they became proficient in the art of defence, but 


on the cold barn floor in their homespun suits, with the mute 
cattle their only spectators, that these men were fitting for 
work, and zeal for their object was the tocsin that mustered 
the clan. To show the regularity with which the minute 
men met for drill as the crisis approached, we will present 
Capt. John Nixon's minute company's call roll, which is still 
preserved among the old documents of Sudbury. We find 
in it but six blanks ; showing an average of only one absentee 
each night. We might expect that, when the call of the 19th 
of April came, these men would be present and ready for 

A Call Roll of Capt Jn° Nixon's Company of Minut Men. They 
Inlisted March y e 13 th 

March ye 
13th 1775 

ye 20 

ye 27 

April 3 

April ye 

Do ye 17th 

Jn° Nixon Capt. 







David Moor Lieut. 







Asehel Wheeler Do 






Josiah Langdon Clarke 







Micah Goodenow Serg' 







August 8 Moor D° 






Elijah Willis D° 







Jerem h Robbins D° 







Hope 1 Brown Corp 1 







Jesse Moor D° 







Uriah Wheeler D° 







Will" 1 Moor D° 







D iniel Putnam Drum 






Caleb Brown Phiffe 







Joseph Nixon D° 







Joseph Balcum 







Phil" Brown 







Sam 1 Brigham 







Hosea Brigham 





Sam 1 Cutting 







Asher Cutler 







W m Dun 







Aaron Ernes Jr. 







Robert Ernes 







Dan 1 Goodenow 







Sam 1 Gleason 







Tho' Goodenow 







Jesse Goodenow 







W m Goodenow 









March ye 



April 3 

April ye 

Do ye 17th 

13th 1775 

ye 20 

ye 27 


Reuben Haynes 







Joshua Haynes 







Jonas Holden Jr 







Abel Holden 







Simeon Ingersol 







Daniel Loring 







Thadeus Moor 







W ra Maynard 







Daniel Maynard 







Hezekiah Moor 







Eliab Moor 







Uriah Moor 







Isaac Moor Jr. 







John Moor 







Josiah Richardson 







Nathaniel Reed 







Charles Rice 







Oliver Rice 







Jonas Rice 







Asahel Reed 







Ezra Smith 







John Sheirley 







Peter Smith 







Abel Thomson 







Daniel Weight 







Caleb Wheeler 







John Weighton 






Elisha Wheeler 







Israel Willis 







Hopestil Willis 







Ebenezer Wood 







It was becoming more and more evident that a collision 
with the King's forces was close at hand. A considerable 
quantity of Continental supplies had been deposited at Con- 
cord ; there also was a centre of strong patriotic influence; 
at that place, therefore, the blow was liable to fall first. 
March 29, a report came that the British were about to 
proceed to that place. The Committee of Safety for the 
Province met at Cambridge, and ordered the removal there- 
from of stores. The order was carried out and the stores 
sent in several directions. To Sudbury were sent fifty 


barrels of beef, one hundred of flour, twenty casks of rice, 
fifteen hogsheads of molasses, ten hogsheads of rum, and five 
hundred candles, fifteen thousand canteens, fifteen thousand 
iron pots ; the spades, pickaxes, bill-hooks, axes, hatchets, 
crows, wheel-barrows, and several other articles were to be 
divided, one-third to remain in Concord, one-third to be sent 
to Sudbury, one-third to Stow, and one thousand iron pots 
were to be sent to Worcester. (Shattuck.) 

The rumor at this time proved false, yet a little later the 
event came about. General Gage, who was stationed in 
Boston as Commander-in-chief of the British troops, took 
measures to send a detachment to Concord for the destruc- 
tion of Continental stores. For the accomplishment of this 
purpose he sent out spies to examine the land. Two of 
these secret messengers, Captain Brown and Ensign D'Ber- 
nicre, went to Worcester in February, and to Concord, March 
20. They went by way of Weston and Sudbury, stopping 
in the former town at the Jones Tavern, which still stands 
on the main street of Weston, and passed through East 
Sudbury by way of the South bridge. Having received the 
report of these spies, the British prepared to advance. 
General Gage detached eight hundred of light infantry, 
grenadiers and marines from the ten regiments under his 
command, and, on pretence of instructing them in a new 
military exercise, took them from regular duty on April 15. 
His plan was for the troops to cross Charles River by night, 
and at daybreak be far on their way toward Concord and 
thus take the place by surprise. But there were those who 
were watching his wary course, and a sly, swift courier was 
to precede him on his way. A previous arrangement had 
been made by which a lantern was to be displayed in the 
belfry of the old Xorth Church when the British began their 
march. Paul Revere, at the signal, was to start with the 
news and proclaim it from place to place. About that 
messenger, his mission, his midnight ride, it is unnecessary 
for us to relate. The oft-told tale is very familiar, how Paul 
Revere went forth and " spread the alarm through every 
Middlesex village and farm." 



The news thus started by Paul Revere reached Sudbury 
between three and four o'clock in the morning. As the 
town is eight miles southwestward of Concord, intelligence 
of the approaching column was received later than at towns 
on the Boston and Concord highway. But, notwithstanding 
the distance, the sun was not yet arisen when the summons 
arrived in town, and then followed a scene of activity un- 
paralleled in the annals of Sudbury. The course taken by 
the various companies to reach Concord was, probably, not 
the same, as they started from different parts of the town. 
Two companies from the West Side — the minute company 
and the North Militia — would go by the road through North 
Sudbury, while the East Side men would, most likely, go by 
way of Lincoln. Captain Nixon's company started from the 
West Side meeting-house. The companies of Nixon and 
Haynes designed to cross the Concord River by way of the 
old South bridge, or " Wood's bridge," on the site of 
the county bridge near the Fitchburg Railroad. From doing 
this, however, they were deterred by an order which reached 
them when about half a mile away, and by which they 
marched on to the North bridge. The appearance of this 
host of town's people, on an errand like that before them, 
must have been imposing and sad. The gathering and the 
start were enough of themselves to stir the idlest spectator, 
and move the most indifferent soul. The morning was 
peaceful and lovely. Nature was advanced for the season. 
The fields were green with the grass and grain which even 
waved in the April breeze, and the buds were bursting, 
prophetic of early spring. But, in strange contrast, the 
souls of the people were stirred as if swept by a tempest. 
The appearance of that hurrying pageant as it swept through 
the town was at once solemn, strange, and sublime. Their 
haste was too great to admit of a measured or dignified pace. 
They were impatient to arrive at the front. Daniel Putnam 
may be excused if no drum taps are heard save the "long 
roll " at the very start. Caleb Brown may put by his 
" Phiffe " until he hears from Luther Blanchard, at the old 


north bridge, the strains of "The White Cockade." The 
music of the morning was made by the quickened heart- 
throbbing in those patriotic breasts, as in double-quick they 
strode over the old north road to be on hand at the ap- 
proach of the foe. Along the route, mothers and children 
appeared, to catch a glimpse of the loved ones, who fast 
flying were soon lost to view. A kiss lovingly cast into the 
morning air, the passing benediction of word or look, and 
the crowd rushed by. The loved ones were left to sad 
conjecture as to what the dread issue might be. We have 
heard a great-granddaughter of Captain Nixon say that she 
has been told by her grandmother that a messenger came at 
night to the house and said, " Up, up ! the red-coats are up 
as far as Concord ! " that Mr. Nixon at once started off on 
horseback, and that sometime during the day Mrs. Nixon 
went out of the house, which was on Nobscot hillside, and 
putting her ear to the ground could hear the sound of distant 

The north militia and minute company, as we have stated, 
designed to reach Concord village by way of the old south 
bridge, but when about half a mile from it were ordered to 
proceed to the north bridge by Col. James Barrett, the 
commander of the minute regiment, whose son Stephen had 
been sent to convey the message to the approaching com- 
panies. By obeying this order, the Sudbury companies 
would join a force already assembled on the north side of 
the village, and also avoid speedy contact with the British 
guard that already held the south bridge. 

When the British arrived at Concord by way of the 
Lexington road, which leads from the easterly into the town, 
Colonel Smith, the commander, made a threefold division 
of his force of eight hundred men. The light infantry were 
sent in two detachments to guard the bridges and destroy 
the stores on the village outskirts, while the grenadiers and 
marines he detained with himself and Major Pitcairn at the 
centre. In the execution of this plan, Capt. Lawrence 
Parsons took possession of the north bridge, Capt. Mundy 
Pole did the same at the south bridge, and each sent 
detachments from their force to destroy Continental stores. 


The Americans, meanwhile, were powerless to prevent this 
occurrence. As yet, but comparatively few Continental 
troops had arrived.. It was only about seven or eight o'clock 
in the morning, and but a few hours since the general alarm. 
They knew not positively about the work at Lexington 
Common, nor that the British had come with a deadly intent. 
They wanted to know just what was right, and waited for 
strength to enforce the right ; while thus waiting, they with- 
drew over the river beyond the north bridge. To this 
vicinity were the Sudbury men sent. But there was, at 
least on the part of one of the company, a reluctance 
to turn from their more direct course. They were in the 
country's highway, and this one person, perhaps, felt like 
Captain Davis of Acton, who before leaving that town said, 
" I have a right to go to Concord on the King's highway, 
and I intend to go if I have to meet all the British troops in 
Boston." The person referred to as reluctant to turn from 
his course was Deacon Josiah Haynes, who was eighty years 
old. It is stated that he was " urgent to attack the British 
at the south bridge, dislodge them, and march into the 
village by that route." Had his opinion prevailed, the 
battle might have been then and there, and the old south 
rather than the old north bridge have been the place of note 
forever. But the south bridge was avoided. In accordance 
with Colonel Barrett's command, Captains Nixon and Haynes 
with Lieut. Col. Ezekiel How started, as we have stated, for 
the old north bridge. 

When at the South bridge they were on the westerly side 
of Concord village, while the North bridge was a little to the 
north of east. Their way, therefore, was by something of a 
circuitous course ; and, to reach the point to which they 
were ordered, they were to pass the house of Colonel Barrett, 
a mile and a half north-west of the village, where Captain 
Parsons with three British companies were destroying Con- 
tinental stores. When the Sudbury soldiers came within 
sight of Colonel Barrett's house they came to a halt. Before 
them were the British engaged in their mischievous work. 
Gun carriages had been collected and piled together to be 
burned, the torch already had been applied, and the resi- 


dence of their Colonel had been ransacked. They halted, 
and Colonel How exclaimed, " If any blood has been shed 
not one of the rascals shall escape ! " and, disguising him- 
self, he rode on to ascertain the truth. It was, probably, 
not far from nine o'clock when this event took place. This 
indicates the celerity with which the Sudbury troops had 
moved. From the morning alarm, by which the minute 
men met at the West Side meeting-house, until the fore- 
going transaction but about five hours had passed, and, 
meanwhile, the mustering, the march, the arrival. While 
the Regulars were engaged in their destructive work at 
Colonel Barrett's, the Provincials were concentrating their 
forces in preparation for what was to come. Their place of 
gathering was at Punkatasset Hill, about a mile north of the 
Concord meeting-house. While here, they increased their 
forces by repeated arrival of troops. Says Drake, " Mean- 
while," that is while the British were engaged at Colonel 
Barrett's, "the Provincials on Punkatasset were being con- 
stantly reinforced by the militia of Westford, Littleton, 
Acton, Sudbury, and other neighboring towns, until the 
whole body numbered about four hundred and fifty men, 
who betrayed feverish impatience at playing the part of idle 
lookers on while the town was being ransacked ; but, when 
flames were seen issuing in different directions, they could 
no longer be restrained. A hurried consultation took place, 
at the end of which it was determined to march into the 
town at all hazards, and if resisted to " treat their assailants 
as enemies." Colonel Barrett told the troops to advance. 
From Punkatasset they moved to Major Buttricks, but a 
short distance above the North bridge, and from Major 
Buttricks they marched to the bridge where the Americans 
and English met face to face. The circumstances at the 
bridge are too familiar to need any narration by us. The 
British attempted to remove the planks, a remonstrance was 
made and the work ceased. The Provincials advanced with 
rapid steps ; when a few rods away a single shot was fired 
by the foe, which was at once followed by a volley. The 
first shot wounded two of the Americans, and the volley 
killed two — Davis and Hosmer of Acton. The order then 


came for the Provincials to fire. It was obeyed, and three 
British soldiers were slain, besides several officers and four 
soldiers wounded. Then came the retreat and pursuit. 
Whether -or not the companies of Nixon and Haynes had 
joined the Provincials at Punkatasset when the command to 
move forward came, we leave the reader to judge for him- 
self. Drake implies that they had ; some circumstances may 
also favor this theory, for, after leaving Colonel Barrett's, 
they would likely hasten to join the main force, which was 
not far distant. But other things would lead us to conclude 
that they had not caught up with the column when it 
reached the bridge. 

Shattuck says, " Two companies from Sudbury under 
How, Nixon and Haynes came to Concord, and having 
received orders from a person stationed at the entrance of 
the town, for the purpose of a guide, to proceed to the North 
instead of the South Bridge, arrived near Col. Barrett's just 
before the British soldiers retreated." The same author, 
after speaking of what we have just narrated of Lieutenant- 
Colonel How, states, " Before proceeding far, the firing 
began at the Bridge, and the Sudbury companies pursued 
the retreating British." From these statements and facts, 
we may infer this, — that these companies passed the British 
at Colonel Barrett's and pushed on to meet the force at the 
bridge, that before they joined it the foe made his attack 
and that they joined in the hot pursuit. This theory accords 
with the statement that we have quoted before, as made by 
a survivor of the fight, which is that " Sudbury Companies 
were but a short distance from the North Bridge when the 
first Opposition was made to the Haughty Enemy." 

Thus, to an extent, have we traced the course of two 
Sudbury companies during a part of that eventful day. As 
to the others, it is supposed they attacked the British at 
different points along the line of the retreat. The men who 
came from East Sudbury would, as we have hitherto said, 
be likely to march through Lincoln to Concord. If so, they 
would be likely to strike the British retreat ; there it is that 
we hear of them. Two encounters, at least, are mentioned 
in which East Sudbury soldiers were engaged. To rightly 


understand how and where these engagements took place, 
let us notice the movements of the British after the events 
that transpired at the old North bridge. Having fired on 
the Americans as they approached the bridge from -the oppo- 
site bank, by which fire two Acton minute men fell, and 
having received the Provincial fire in return, by which three 
of the English were slain, Lieutenant Gould of the regulars 
withdrew his shattered guard to the village. Three signal 
guns having been fired by the British just before their 
troops fired at the bridge, all the distant detachments came 
in. Captain Parsons hurried his companies from Colonel 
Barrett's to the old North bridge ; and, seeing the havoc that 
had been made with Gould's guard and their dead comrades 
upon the bank, " they were seized with a panic and ran with 
great speed to join the main force." Captain Pole with- 
drew his companies from the old South bridge, and then 
Colonel Smith began to retreat towards Boston. But it was 
not only a retreat but a rout. The battle at the bridge 
was but the beginning of aggressive work. The foe were 
followed and hard pushed from point to point. At the 
cross-roads they met fresh arrivals of Provincial troops. 
The stone walls and stumps were coverts from which they 
directed their fire. In addition to an almost continuous 
engagement, occasional encounters occurred which were 
exceptionally sharp and severe. In two of these severe 
encounters the soldiers from East Sudbury were engaged, — 
one at Merriam's Corner, the other at Hardy's Hill. 

The action at Merriam's Corner occurred at about half- 
past twelve. Three circumstances concurred to bring about 
and make severe this conflict. First, there was a junction 
of roads, the one from Bedford meeting that leading to 
Lexington along which the English marched. By this road 
had come reinforcements from Reading, Chelmsford, Bed- 
ford and Billerica. To this point, also, had come some 
Provincials across the great fields in the direction of the 
old North bridge. Another circumstance that made the 
fight sharp was that here the British massed their forces 
because of the lay of the land. In their march from Con- 
cord, which was about a mile thus far, the British threw out 


a part of their infantry to serve as a guard to their flanks 
and to protect the main body as it marched on the road. 
These flankers moved along the dry upland on the right of 
the road, as it curves gently from Concord village, until 
they reached Merriam's Corner where they joined the troops 
in the road, in order to avoid the moist land by the way- 
side, and pass the dry causeway to the highway beyond. 
As this flank guard thus joined the main force it gave the 
Provincials, who as we have indicated were there gathered in 
force, an opportunity which they were not slow to make use 
of. They poured upon the regulars a destructive fire. 
" Now and here began," says Drake, " that long and ter- 
rible conflict unexampled in the Revolution for its duration 
and ferocity, which for fifteen miles tracked the march of the 
regular troops with their blood." A company from East 
Sudbury were in time for this second conflict. This, doubt- 
less, was the one commanded by Joseph Smith. Rev. Mr. 
Foster, an historian of 1775, says of this conflict: " Eefore 
we came to Merriam's Hill we discovered the enemy's flank 
guard of about eighty or a hundred men, who on the retreat 
from Concord kept the height of the land, the main body 
being in the road. The British troops and the Americans 
at that time were equally distant from Merriam's Corner. 
About twenty rods short of that place the Americans made 
a halt. The British marched down the hill with a very 
slow but steady step without a word being spoken that could 
be heard. Silence reigned on both sides. As soon as the 
British gained the main road and passed a small bridge near 
the common, they faced about suddenly, and fired a volley 
of musketry upon us. They overshot and no one to my 
knowledge was injured by the fire. The fire was immedi- 
ately returned by the Americans, and two British soldiers 
fell dead at a little distance from each other in the road near 
the brook. Several of the officers were wounded, including 
Ensign Lester." The other engagement in which the Sud- 
bury soldiers are especially noticed was at Hardy's Hill, a 
short distance beyond. One narrator has spoken of it as 
a spirited affair, where one of the Sudbury companies, 
Captain Cudworth, came up and vigorously attacked the 


It is interesting that we can thus trace our soldiers and 
know so much of their whereabouts and what they did on 
that memorable day. An incident of the fight was related 
to the writer by the late Mr. Josiah Haynes when eightj'-- 
five years old. He said that his grandfather, Josiah Haynes, 
one of the militia of Sudbury at the Concord fight, captured 
a gun from a British sergeant. The Briton was with a 
squad of soldiers a little removed from the main body, prob- 
ably a part of the flank guard before mentioned. Mr. 
Haynes lay concealed behind a stone wall with some com- 
rades who soon left him alone. As the squad approached, 
he thought they were coming directly upon him, but, as the 
main body followed a curve in the road, the squad turned 
also. With this movement, Mr. Haynes placed his gun on 
the wall, and on firing the sergeant fell. Mr. Haynes 
sprang and seized the sergeant's gun and tried to tear off 
his belt and cartridge box, but these last he did not secure. 
The squad, but a few rods away, turned and fired. The 
balls whistled about him, but he escaped unhurt. It would 
be interesting to know more of the incidents and adventures 
of our soldiers on that April day, but time has made havoc 
with tradition and the records are scant. Years ajro the 
last survivor of the Revolution died, and years before, the} r 
were scattered, many of them into other towns and other 
States. But the fragments of tradition that have floated 
down from that far-off period are all the more valuable 
because they are few. 


During the day Sudbury sustained the loss of two men, 
Deacon Josiah Haynes and Asahel Reed. Joshua Ha} r nes 
was wounded. Deacon Haynes was eighty years old. He 
was killed by a musket bullet at Lexington. He belonged 
to the old Haynes family of Sudbury, where his descend- 
ants still live. He was one of the original signers of the 
West Precinct Church Covenant, and was made deacon May 
24, 1733. He was buried in the Old Burying Ground, 
Sudbury Centre. The grave is marked by a simple slate 
stone. Mr. Asahel Reed was of Captain Nixon's minute 


men. His name is found on that company's call roll to 
which we have before referred ; it is left out after the battle, 
probably because after his death the name was stricken from 
the list. He belonged to the old Reed family of Sudbury, 
whose progenitor, Joseph Reed, settled at Lanham about 
1656. Probably he was also i buried in the old ground at 
Sudbury Centre. Mrs. Joseph Reed, a member of the same 
family and grandmother of the writer, said many years ago 
that the body of Mr. Reed was brought to Sudbury. So, 
although no stone has been found which marks the grave, 
he doubtless rests somewhere in the old burying-ground at 
the centre, which was the only one at that time in the West 
Precinct. Joshua Haynes, who was wounded, may have 
been one of Captain Nixon's minute men or one of the 
militia of Captain Haynes. The same name is on each 
company's muster roll ; but the one in the latter was ser- 
geant while the one wounded is mentioned without any title. 
Lieut. Elisha Wheeler, whose horse was shot under him, 
and Thomas Plympton, Esq., who had a bullet put through 
the fold of his coat, were both volunteers on horseback. 

After the fight the soldiers showed no undue haste to 
return, but some of them lingered from three days to a 
month to repel attack or serve their country in whatever 
way it might require ; and, when at length they returned to 
their homes, it was only, in the case of some of them, to bid 
the loved ones good-by and then go away again to engage 
the foe. 



Revolutionary War. — Sudbury Soldiers at Bunker Hill. — Muster Rolls 
of Captains Russell, Moore and Haynes. — Battle of Bunker Hill. — 
Position and Service of the Regiments of Colonels Nixon and Brewer. 

— Number of Casualties. — The Siege of Boston. — List of Men in 
Two Months Service. — List of Men in Colonel Whitney's Regiment. 

— Government Storehouses at Sand Hill. — Service outside the 
State. — List of Officers in Sudbury Companies in 1776. — List of 
Men in Capt. Aaron Haynes's Company. — Men in Captain Wheeler's 
Company at Ticonderoga ; in Colonel Robinson's Regiment, in Colonel 
Read's Regiment. — Supplementary List. — Soldiers at Ticonderoga 
in 177G; in Captain Wheeler's Company, Captain Craft's Company, 
Cap'am EdgelPs Company, Captain Aaron Haynes's Company. — 
Canada Campaign. — New York Campaign. — Men Enlisted for 
Three Years in 1777. — Guard Roll. — Pay Roll. — List of Two 
Months Men in 1777. — List of Three Months Men in 1777. — 
Names of Sudbury Captains and Companies in the Field in 1778. — 
Captain Maynard's Company. — Captain Wheeler's Company. — 
Captain Moulton's Company. — Captain Haynes's Company. — Cap- 
tain Bowker's Company. — Prices Paid for Enlistment in 1780. 

Few were the numbers she could boast ; 
But every freeman was a host, 
And felt as though himself were he 
On whose sole arm hung victory. 


Sudbury was represented by three companies at the battle 
of Bunker Hill. These were commanded by Sudbury cap- 
tains and made up mainly of Sudbury citizens. The town 
also furnished three regimental officers, — Col. John Nixon, 
Major Nathaniel Cud worth and Adj. Abel Holden, Jr. 
Capt. John Nixon of the minute men was promoted to the 
rank of colonel, and was authorized, April 27, to receive 
nine sets of beating papers. Capt. Nathaniel Cud worth was 



made major in the regiment of Col. Jonathan Brewer, who 
received enlistment papers April 24, and Abel Holden, Jr., 
was made Colonel Nixon's adjutant. The Sudbury men who 
served in these companies are as follows : — 

A list of Captain Russell's company in Colonel Brewer's 
regiment. • 

Thaddeus Russel Capt. 
Nathan Tuckerman Lieut. 
Nathan Reeves Ens. 
Sergt Josiah Wellington 

" Thomas Rutter 

" Thad Bond 

Ephraim Allen 
Longley Bartlett 
Rolon Bennet 
Peter Brintnall 
Timothy Bent 
Samuel Curtis 
Edward Sorce [Vorce] 
Jacob Speen 
Ephram Sherman 
Samuel Tilton 
Asa Travis 
David Underwood 
Jonathan Wesson 
Lemuel Whitney 
Samuel Sherman 
Nahum Dudley 
Oliver Damon 

Corp. Joshua Kendall 
" David Rice 
" David Damon 
Drumer Thomas Trask 
Fifer Nathan Bent 
" David Smith 


William English 
Ambros Furgison 
William Grout 
Elisha Harrington 
Richard Heard 
William Mallet 
Samuel Merriam 
Cuff Nimra 
Benjamin Pierce 
NatL el Parmenter 
James Phillips 
Samuel Pollard 
Rufus Parmenter 
Edward Rice 
Martin Rourke 
Denis Ryan 
Amos Silleway 

A return of Captain Moor's company in the fifth regiment, 
commanded by Col. John Nixon, Sept. 30, 1775. 

David Moore, Capt 

Micah Goodenow 1st Lieut 

Jona Hill, 2ond Lieut Framingham 


Elijah Willis Daniel Loring 

Hopestill Brown Daniel Wait 

Jesse Moore Uriah Wheeler 


James Rice Joseph Balcom 

Oliver Rice Aaron Eames Jun. 




Ebenezer Boutwell ) Framingham 
Thomas Nixon ) 


Nathaniel Bryant 
Aaron Emes 
BenjJ- Bennet 
Samuel Cutting 
Micah Goodenow 
Ephraim Goodenow 
Lemuel Goodenow 
Asahel Gibbs 
Uriah Hunt 
Isaac Moore 
Eliab Moore 

Total in the Co. 48. From Sudbury 33 

Thadeus Moore 

Jesse Mostman [Mossman] 

Israel Maynard 

William Maynard 

Nathan Rice 

Is"rael Willis 

Ephraim Whitney 

Abel Thompson 

Ezra Smith 

Charles Rice 

A list of names of the officers and soldiers in Captain 
Haynes's company in Colonel Brewer's regiment. 

Aaron Haynes Capt 
Mathias Mossman 2ond Lieut 
Serg 1 Josiah Moore 
Cop John Weighting 

Cop Daniel Putnam 
Drummer Aaron Haynes 
Fifer Naham Haynes 

John Bemis 
Nathan Cutter 
Porter Cuddy 
James Durumple 
Joseph Dakin 
Joseph Green 
Francis Green 


Abel Parmenter 
Asa Putnam 
Ephraim Puffer 
John Brewer 
Isaac Rice 
Aaron Mossman 
Joshua Haynes 

Prospect Hill, Oct. 6, 1775 

Aaron Haynes, Capt 

Total in the Co. 47. From Sudbury 21. 

The following names found in the Stearns Collection, as 
being in the eight months service, we give in connection 
with the foregoing lists. 

Jonas Haynes 
John Stone 
Caleb Wheeler 
Hezekiah Moore 

Jeremiah Robins 
Benj Berry [or Barry] 
John Shirley 
Wm Dun 


Total number in these three muster rolls is one hundred 
and fifty-two. Of these, one hundred and four were from 
Sudbury, and only the latter have been here given except 
when designated. Lieut Nathaniel Russell re-enlisted a part 
of the East Sudbury company and reported for duty April 
24. Capt. Aaron Haynes went into service with his com- 
pany May 3. These companies were in the regiments of 
Colonels Nixon and Brewer, which did valuable service in 
the engagement of June 17. A consideration of the plan of 
that battle and something of its history will show where 
these regiments were, what they did, and the conduct of the 
Sudbury soldiers. 


On the 16th of June, the Americans, under command of 
Colonel Prescott, to the number of about one thousand men 
repaired at night to what was then called Breed's Hill, to 
fortify the place by earthworks. Their object was to pre- 
vent the occupation of Charlestown by General Gage, who 
had been reinforced by about ten thousand men. Through 
the still hours of the night they plied the pickaxe and spade, 
and at daybreak General Gage, from his quarters in Boston, 
surveyed the newly-made works with surprise. British 
batteries soon opened their fire from ship and shore, yet 
steadily the provincials worked on. Gage summoned his 
officers in council, and it was determined to take the place 
by storm. Immediately, columns were formed and set in 
motion, boats were procured to carry troops to the Charles- 
town shore, and a scene of general activity set in. Mean- 
while, the Americans were also astir forming plans to resist 
the assault. Reinforcements were ordered to the Charles- 
town peninsula, and long lines of troops filed from the 
neighboring encampment to ioin their comrades at the hill. 
The march was attended with hazard, for British batteries 
swept the way, and ranks broke into detachments and 
squads, rather than pass the ordeal in closely formed lines. 
Among those who marched over this perilous way Avere the 
regiments of Brewer and Nixon, and they arrived on the 
field in season to form for the fiffht. 


When the regiments had all arrived on the Charlestown 
peninsula, an almost unbroken line stretched along from the 
Charles River on the south to the Mystic River on the 
north. The places of the respective regiments were as fol- 
lows : Prescott held the redoubt near the summit with about 
one hundred and sixty-three men ; a breastwork to the 
northerly, near this, was occupied by men of Prescott, 
Bridge and Frye ; on the left, to the northwesterly or 
north, were the regiments of Brewer, Nixon, Knowlton and 
Stark ; while on the right, to the southeasterly or south, 
were the regiments of Wyman and Robinson with about 
three hundred men. Sudbury soldiers were thus placed on 
the left of the line to the northerly of the Bunker Hill sum- 
mit. Between the breastwork and redoubt, and the Mystic 
River or left flank on the northerly, there was, for a time, an 
unfilled space. By this way, the foe had only to advance 
attack the American works in the rear, and the place was 
captured and retreat cut off. General Putnam discovered 
this gap in time, and ordered troops to man it at once. 
Stark, Knowlton and Reed took their stand on the north by 
the Mystic, Brewer and Nixon on the south of them. Thus 
was filled the hitherto unprotected gap, which, if neglected, 
had invited the foe, and caused speedy and most disastrous 

The British, knowing the importance of the position thus 
held, brought against it a formidable force. This was led 
by Sir William Howe in person. Some of the troops had 
been recently at the Concord and Lexington fight. They 
were likely eager to recover their prestige or avenge the fate 
of their fallen friends. Furthermore, the protection of the 
Provincials at this point was weak ; no entrenchments were 
there to protect them from the foe. The most favored had 
but a few rude improvised works, hastily constructed after 
they arrived on the ground, but the position of the regiment 
in which the Sudbury men served was the most exposed of 
any in that poorly protected column. A part of the line had 
not the slightest protection whatever. The only attempt 
that was made to construct a breastwork was by the gather- 
ing of some newly-mown hay that was scattered about the 


place. But they were prevented from the completion of 
even such a slight breastwork as this. The foe advanced 
and they were compelled to desist. But no exposure to the 
fire of well-disciplined, veteran troops, and no lack of breast- 
work protection led those brave Middlesex colonels and com- 
panies to turn from or abandon this important position. It 
was enough to know that there was an unguarded gap. The 
practised eye of Col. John Nixon, who had so often seen 
service in the old French wars, doubtless saw at a glance 
what the case required, and knowing the need took measures 
to meet it. Says Drake, " Brewer and Nixon immedi- 
ately directed their march for the undefended opening so 
often referred to between the rail fence and earthwork. 
They also began the construction of a hay breastwork, but 
when they had extended it to within thirty rods of Prescott's 
line the enemy advanced to the assault. The greater part 
of these two battalions stood and fought here without cover 
throughout the action, both officers and men displaying 
the utmost coolness and intrepidity under fire." The same 
author also says of Gardiner, Nixon and Brewer, " Braver 
officers did not unsheathe a sword on this day ; their battal- 
ions were weak in numbers, but under the eye and example 
of such leaders invincible." He states that, " with about 
four hundred and fifty men, they stood in the gap with 
Warren and Pomeroy at their head." Just before the 
attack, Putnam gave the order not to fire until they could 
see the whites of the enemy's eyes. When the foe was 
fairly in range the Provincials opened fire. The lines blazed 
with a hot discharge ; whole ranks were swept down before 
it, men dropped on the right hand and left ; no mortal could 
withstand that withering storm ; it was an unerring, death- 
dealing discharge. Howe's attendants were struck down at 
his very side, and for a time he stood almost alone. He gave 
the word for retreat, and his shattered remnant withdrew from 
the field. He had failed to break the ranks of these left line 
regiments, and hence the redoubt was still safe from an 
attack in the rear. But these soldiers were again to be put 
to the test. For about an hour there was a cessation of strife, 
then the column advanced to a second assault. Steadily the 


veterans moved forward and bravely did their opponents 
await them. When the signal was given the engagement 
began. The same tactics were employed as before, and with 
like results : whole ranks melted away before the Provincial 
fire, battalions were reduced to mere companies, Howe's 
best officers were dying or dead, the way was mown by 
Provincial bullets, and again the redoubt and breastwork 
were safe. But the British, persisting with the tenacity 
that belongs to the race, reformed for still another assault, 
and this time they were more successful, for the ammu- 
nition of the Provincials was exhausted and there remained 
nothing but retreat or a hand-to-hand fight. The order was 
given and the Provincials withdrew, but before leaving, there 
was a terrible encounter. Prescott, who so bravely held the 
redoubt while the left line regiments held the British from 
an attack on the rear, now rallied his men to fight in an 
improvised way. With clubbed guns, and with bayonets 
wrenched from the foe they still fought the unecpual fight, 
until, steadily pressed, they were compelled to give up the 
redoubt. This captured and the breastwork abandoned, the 
men in the gap were between two fires and the only resort 
was to retreat. They stood while there was any hope of 
success, and did not abandon the gap until General Warren, 
who, it is said, stood at the head of the rail fence breastwork 
between the regiments of Brewer and Nixon, considered it 
expedient. In fact, Colonel Nixon's regiment was one of 
the last to leave the battle-ground. Both Nixon and 
Brewer were wounded, the former so severely that he was 
borne from the field, and their brave leader, General Warren, 
was slain. Thus nobly was the defence maintained. The 
losses sustained by the regiments of Brewer and Nixon were 
as follows : — 

Brewer's regiment : Killed 7 Wounded 11 
Nixon's regiment: Killed 3 Wounded 10 

Total 10 21 

Of the killed, two were of Captain Haynes's company, 
namely: Comming Forbush, Framingham ; Joshua Haynes, 
Sudbury. One was of Captain Russell's company, namely: 


Lebbaus Jenness of Deerfield. Thus ended that day of des- 
tinies. Dismal indeed was the scene as night settled upon 
it. The beloved of both armies had fallen. Major Pitcairn, 
prominent in Concord fight, was among the English slain, 
while General Warren, a man of promise and much admired 
by the Americans, had also perished. 


After the engagement at Bunker Hill the Provincials 
began the siege of Boston. The British bivouacked the night 
of the seventeenth on the battle-field, but the Americans soon 
environed them from Roxbury to Medford. On the 3d of 
July, George Washington took formal command of the Con- 
tinental Army, and then commenced, under his generalship, 
that series of military movements which resulted in the evac- 
uation of Boston by the British, March 17, 1770. 

The soldiers of Sudbury in the battle of Bunker Hill, all 
or nearly all having enlisted for eight months, were engaged 
in this siege. During the summer, Colonel Brewer's regi- 
ment was stationed at Prospect Hill, and General Nixon had 
quarters at Winter Hill. 

Before closing the account of Sudbury's service in the year 
1775, we will insert the names of some Sudbury men who 
were in the two months service with Captain Wheeler in 
1775, and also of a small number who were in the regiment 
of Colonel Whiting and did service at Hull, and after leav- 
ing there were stationed at Fort Independence. 


Capt Asahel Wheeler Daniel Maynard 

Ithamer Rice Gideon Maynard 

John Maynard Jr. Silas Mosman 
John Balcom Jr. 

col reed's regiment. 
Peter Smith Abel Tower 

Ebenezer Plympton Joel Brigham 

Jonathan Bent James Haynes 

Ruben Haynes Daniel Frazer 

Simeon Ingersol Thomas Smith 



Micah Balcom John Brown 

Thomas Goodenow Lt. Abel Brigham 

Jas Balcom Jacob Reed 

Luther Moor Thos. Dal.[rymple] 

Thad Harrington Elijah Howe 

Israel Tr Moore 


Besides other responsibilities the town had charge of some 
government storehouses containing munitions of war, which 
the Sudbury teamsters, from time to time, conveyed to the 
front. Various receipts are still preserved which were 
received by these teamsters. These buildings were situated 
on the northerly part of Sand Hill, east of the county road. 
There were several of them, and some were remaining within 
the memory of an aged citizen who conversed with the writer 
concerning them. One or more of them were moved to 
Wayland, and one was moved to the Captain Rice place 
where it was used as a cider mill. Recently it was moved 
to another spot on the same farm and made over for a stable ; 
the old timbers of the original structure were retained. 
Before its alteration the writer examined it and took meas- 
urements. It was a very low building, perhaps forty by thirty 
feet, with a broad sloping roof. It was without partitions, 
and formerly had a very wide barn-like door in front. At 
one time Mr. William Rice, the father of Captain William, 
had charge of these houses and military stores. Several 
squads of soldiers were employed to guard them, and at one 
time Captain Isaac Wood was commander of the guard. In 
1777, the following soldiers did guard duty : " Corporal 
Robert Eames, Silas Goodenow Jr, Philemon Brown, Elisha 
Harrington, Jon a Clark." A guard of the same number 
was there in 1778 and 79, but all the men were not the same. 
The field in or near which these buildings stood was used as 
a training field in former years, and at one time a militia 
muster was held there. But now all trace even of the site 
has become obliterated, and for years it has been a quiet 
feeding place for cattle, and all is as peaceful there as if the 


slow pacing of the old Continental guard had never been 
heard at Sand Hill. 


While Sudbury was so well represented in the field during 
the eventful year of 1775, when the seat of war was in its 
own neighborhood, when its farms were liable to become the 
front and its very door-yards the field of battle, it was also 
fitly represented when the war passed to other localities. 
We will now present the names of some of the soldiers 
who served in the subsequent scenes of the war in places 
remote from the town. A few that have become illegible 
will be omitted and doubtful ones will be enclosed in 

After the British left Boston the American Army went to 
New York, and a part of the Sudbury soldiers, including 
three captains, went with it. These -captains were Abel 
Holden, Caleb Clapp and Aaron Haynes. Gen. John Nixon, 
it is supposed, accompanied it in the brigade of General 
Sullivan. On the 9th of August, John Nixon was promoted 
to the rank of brigadier-general, and his brother, Thomas, 
became colonel of his regiment. This regiment and another 
with a body of artillery, all under command of General 
Nixon, were stationed for a time at Governor's Island, New 
York Harbor, and after the retreat of General Washington 
from Brooklyn, August 27, the brigade passed up the North 
River with the army. 

The following is a list of officers and some of the privates in 
the Sudbury companies in 1776, Gen. John Nixon's brigade 


Capt. Abel Holden Ruben Haynes 

Lieut Levi Holden Colven Eames 

Lieut Oliver Rice Thadeus Moore 

Capt Caleb Clap Luther Eames 

Lieut Joshua Clap John Stone 

Serg't Joseph Balcom Joshua Maynard 

Joseph Nixon Roland Bennet 

Luther Moore Hezekiah Moore 

The company of Capt. Aaron Haynes was in Colonel 

Historical Sketch of Willis Family. Page 453. 



Whitcomb's regiment, having been transferred from Colonel 
Brewer's while stationed at Prospect Hill. The following 
list contains part of the names : — 

Capt Aaron Haynes. 
Aaron Haynes Jr. 
John Rusk 

Joseph Maynarcl 
Jonas Haynes 
Ephriam Goodenow 

Capt. Aaron Haynes was in command of a company at 
Peekskill, N. Y., in the spring of 1777. 

Besides the soldiers who went with the army to New York 
in 1776, there was quite a force that went in an expedition 
against Canada. A large part of the soldiers who served in 
these campaigns were under the command of Capt. Asahel 
Wheeler, and in one at least of the campaigns were in the 
regiment of Col. John Robinson. Of the Sudbury soldiers 
who served under these officers in the Canada Expedition or 
Ticonderoga Campaign, we give the following : — 

John Merriam 


Joseph Smith 
Ephraim Smith 
Zebediah Farrar 
Daniel Lawrence 
Job Brooks. 
Rhuben Hains. 
Roger Bigelovv 
Oliver Curtis 
Samuel Jones 
John Tozer 
Abijah Mead 
Samson Wheeler. 
John Lough 
Oliver Conant 
Jonah Gilbert 
Joseph Mason 
A Buttrick 
John Weston 
Samuel Adams 
Joel Adams 
Daniel Hosmer 
Phinehas Hager 
Jacob Jones 

Phinehas Glezen 
David How jr. 
Francis Jones 
Timothy Underwood 
Jonathan Davis 
Daniel Benjaman 
Ithamer Rice. 
John Peter 
Nathaniel Park 

Converse Big 

Abraham Parmen'er 
Steven Taylor 
Jonas Brown 
Andrew Green 
John Cobb 
James Stedman 
Francis Chaffin 
Amos Nutting 

G Ames 

Amos Stow 
William Thorney 
John Hives 
Nathaniel Bemis 
Thomas Corey 
John Farrar 


Besides those who served in the Canada Expedition in 
Captain Wheeler's company, Colonel Robinson's regiment, 
we give the following who served in his company when in 
the regiment of Colonel Read. A large share of the names 
in this and other lists were once familiar in Sudbury. Those 
which were not may have been of substitutes who made 
np the quota. 



Capt. Asahel Wheeler John Taylor 

Sergent Uriah Wheeler Hezekiah Hapgood 

Lieut. Hopstill Willis [Moris Clary] 

Corp. Daniel Osborn Nathaniel Browne 

Aaron Eames Ebenezer Plympton 

Thomas Eames Gideon Maynard 

Josiah Richardson Isaac Rice 

Jesse Goodnow Timothy Rice 

Uriah Hunt Francis Green 

Thomas Burbank Abel Willis 

Benj. Berry, John Fia/.er 

Nathaniel Rice Jacob Kiblcy 

Deliverance Parmenter Jason Haines 

Isaac Moore Samuel Merriam 

Daniel Noyes Jonas [Chase] 

John Sheperd Abel Willis 

W m Walker Aaron Eames Jr. 

Daniel W. Moore Josiah Ilosmer 

Jonas Clark Benj. Tower 

W ,n Dun Solomon Ta)lor 

Nathaniel Bryant Judah Welherbce 

Aaron Maynard W m Graves 

Jonathan Burbank Ezekiel Smith 

Richard Wetherbee James Willis 

Phinehas Gleason Edward [Cheney] 

Phinehas Gleason Jr Thomas Harrington 

John Barney Jacob Stevens 

John Adams Phineas Stevens 

John [Thonning] Nathan Gates 

W m [Thorning] Daniel Noyes 

Ebenezer Park Benj. [Hale] 

Edward Whitman Nathaniel Rice 

Thomas Ernes W'" Hosmer Jr. 

David Underwood Amos 

Rice Samuel Brown 



Joseph Rutter 
Charles Brown 
John Parmenter 
Francis Hemenway 

Isaac Rice 
Silas Conant 

Several names belonging in the above list have become 
illegible in the records. 

The following were also in 
1776, in the company of Captaii 

the Ticonderoga Campaign, 
in Wheeler: — 

James Wright 
Abel Tower 
Isaac Bartlett 
Mica Graves 
Thomas Bloget 
Ezra Parmenter 
Abel Goodenow 
Theodore Harrington 
Jonathan Bent 
Isaac Bartlett 
Abel Tower 
Aaron Mosmon 
Ebenezer Nixon 
Jonas Emery 
Paul Colidge 
Josiah Tomson 
Elias Bigelow 
Joseph Abbot 
Gregory Stone 
Nath 1 Knowlton 
Nath el Browne 
John Park 
Samuel Bond 
William Hosmer 
Peter Brintnal 
Nathan Maynard 
Aaron Maynard 
Abel Child 


John Carter 
Joseph Rutter 
Nathaniel Knowlton 


Jacob Jones 
Uriah Wheeler 
W» Grout 
Joseph Goodenow 

John Hoar 
Ebenezer Heald 
Christian Wagner 
Abel Goodenow 
[Samuel Dakin] 
Ebenezer Heard 
Solomon Whitney 
William Thomas 


' Josiah Farrar 
Caleb Wheeler 
Jason Belcher 
Samuel Emery 
Jonas Billings 
Samuel Hoar 
Samuel Osborn 
Jesse Mosmon 
Capt. David Moore 
Francis Green 
Joshua Haynes Lieut 
Daniel Maynard 
John Parmenter 
Micah Graves 
Charles Rice 
Samuel Curtis 
John Adams 
Eleezer Parks 
Jonas Bond 
Samuel Poland 
Abel Willis 
John Parks 
Isaac Moore 
Micah Bowker 
John Bennet 
John Warren 
John Lands 


The following Sudbury men served in the Ticonderoga 
Campaign, 1776, in the company of Captain Craft, Colonel 
Graton's regiment : — 

Peter Smith Abel Maynard 

Isaac Wise Jesse Mosman 

Aaron Mosman Simeon Ingersol 

Abel Tower Charles Eames 

The following served in the Ticonderoga Campaign, 
1776, in the company of Captain Edgell, Colonel Brewer's 
regiment : — 

Lieut. Jonathan Rice Serg't Augustus Moore 

William Maynard Nathan Hayward. 

Joel Brigham. 

Capt. Aaron Haynes had a company at Ticonderoga in 
1776 in Col. Asa Whitcorab's regiment. His minute roll 
bears date, December, 1776, and the following names are 
upon it : — 

Aaron Haynes Capt Joseph Willis Ensigne 

Aaron Holden l 8t Lieut, Aaron Haynes Drummer. 

The soldiers included in the lists now given were of the 
armies which were endeavoring to gain Canada for the Con- 
tinental cause, and force the British from the State of New 
York. The expedition or campaign against Canada was 
planned in the year 1775 by a committee of Congress which 
met at Cambridge in August of that year. The capture of 
the fortresses Ticonderoga and Crown Point on Lake Cham- 
plain in May, 1775, by Connecticut and Vermont militia, 
had opened the way to the St. Lawrence, and the expedition 
was designed to aid in getting possession of that part of 
Canada. Two forces were engaged in the work. One of 
these was composed of New York and New England troops 
and was placed under the command of Generals Schuyler 
and Montgomery and ordered to go by way of Lake Cham- 
plain to Montreal and Quebec. The other expedition left 
Cambridge, September, 1775, and was under the leadership 
of Col. Benedict Arnold. In the Canada Expedition, 1776, 
the following casualties occurred : Benjamin Berry lost an 



arm, and at Ticonderoga the same year the following per- 
sons died : — 

Ensign Timothy Underwood Phinehas Gleason 

Solomon Rice Timothy Rice 

Sergeant Samuel Maynard died of small pox at Quebec with Arnold. 

The service rendered by the Sudbury men who left Massa- 
chusetts with the army under Washington was largely per- 
formed in New York and vicinity. Washington arriving at 
New York about the middle of April, at once set about 
fortifying the vicinity and securing the passes of the High- 
lands on the Hudson River. In the operations about this 
part of the country hard fighting and toilsome marches were 
experienced. We hear of Sudbury soldiers at Saratoga, 
Stillwater, Fort Edward, and other places connected with 
the activity of the Continental forces in New York. At 
Saratoga Serg. Thadeus Moore was slain and Lieut. Joshua 
Clapp was wounded. 

Names of Sudbury men enlisted in 1777 for three years or 
during the war. 


Gen. John Nixon 
Capt. Abel Holden 
Leuit. Levi Holden 
Leuit. Oliver Rice 
Capt. Caleb Clap 
Leuit. Joshua Clap 
Capt. Aaron Haynes 

Nathaniel Cutter 
Charles Gouell 
Ruben Moore Jr. 
Oliver Sanderson 
Uriah Moore 
Hezekiah Moore 
William Dun 
Joseph Nixon 
Joel Puffer 
Ephraim Goodenow 
Francis Green 
Luther Eames 
Luther Moore 
Joel Brigham 


Sergeant Ruben Haynes 
Sergeant Aaron Haynes 
Sergeant Joseph Balcom 
Sergeant Uriah Eaton 
Sergent Thadeus Moore 
Sergeant Jonas Haynes, 

John Buck 
Joshua Maynard 
Joseph Maynard 
Jonathan Robbinson 
Zak. Robbenson 
Oliver Robbenson 
Joseph Cutter 
Calvin Eames 
Josiah Cutter 
Joseph Willis 
Donal Lincoln 
Ruben Moore 
Joseph Meller 



In connection with the foregoing we give the following 
list of men who enlisted for the same length of time but 
perhaps in another year. They were from " the 4 th Regi- 
ment of Foot, commanded by Col. Ezekiel How." Only 
five of the names given in the two lists are alike. 


Capt. Abel Holden 
Benjamin Tower 
Luther Eames 
Charles Eames 
Corneleus Wood 
Joel Brigham 
Joseph Nixon 
Levi Holden 
Luther Moore 
Uriah Moore 


Micah Grant . 3 years 

Jesse Goodenow 

Thomas Burbank 

Ephraim Goodenow 

Jonathan Bevens 

Jonas Welch 

Joseph Bent 

Abel Thompson 

Thomas Gibbs during the war 


Sudbury June the 27 th , 1778. We the Subscribers have received of 
Capt. Asahel Wheeler Nine Pounds for oure wages in full oure pay for 
October & Part November 1777 both for contannatel and State and 
mileage we say Received by ous — 

Moses Stone 
Nathaniel Rice 
Abel Smith 
William Brown 
Jonathan Haynes 
W m Moore 
Timothy Moore 
Abel Brigham 
Mathias Mosman 
Samuel Puffer 
Gidon Maynard 
Silas Tower 
James Moore 
Hezekiah Johnson 

Silas X Parmenter 

Samuel Knight in behalf- [of] 

Silas Knight 

Daniel Maynard 

Caleb Stacy 

Timothy Ernes 

Ephraim Moore 

Asher Cutler Jr 

Hopestill Willis 

Jason Haynes 

Daniel osborn 

Phineas Puffer 

John Parris 

Samuel Cutting 

Isaac Goodenow 

Beside men who enlisted for a long term of , service in 
1777, we have two lists of those whose enlistment was for a 
very short period. 


Jan. 1777 
To New York — Two months 
Capt. Nathaniel Hayward's Company, Col. Thatcher's Regiment. 
Cornelius Wood Thomas Dalremple 

Daniel Loring Thomas Dalremple Jr 

Ser' Maj r W m Goodenow Thomas Moore 

Serg' Uriah Wheeler Daniel Hamynes 

W m Brown Theodore Harrington 

Abel Parmenter 

The last four of these men are spoken of as having been 
taken prisoners and never heard of afterwards. 


July 1777. 
To Saratoga — Three months. 
Col. Brown's Regiment. General Gates, Commander. 
Capt. Jonathan Rice John Brown 

Serg' Abel Maynard Ebenezer Burbank 

Ezekiel How Nathaniel Brown 

Caleb Wheeler Nathaniel Bryant 

Isaac Wier David How 

Abel Willis 

As the war progressed Sudbury was still active in filling 
its quota. In 1778, several companies were still in the field. 
Four of these had three hundred and twenty-seven men and 
were commanded as follows : West Side men, Capt. Jona- 
than Rice and Capt. Asahel Wheeler; East Side men, Capt. 
Nathaniel Maynard and Capt. Isaac Cutting. In the Stearns 
Collection we have the following lists of men in two of these 


Lieut. Joseph Wellington, during the war. 

Robert Bennet " 

Farkins Hosmer " 

Oliver Sanderson ** 

Simon Newton " 

Ephraim Barker " 

Jonathan Barker " 

James Gibbs u 


Pathrick Flinn during the war. 

James Welch " 

Timothy Ahgen " 

John Carrol " 

Morris Griffin " 

Daniel Hickey " 

Samuel Whitney " 

Joseph Foster " 

Christopher Capen " 

Ephraim Carry " 
Ambros Fergerson for 3 years 

Timothy Bent " 

Samuel Whitney " 
Phinehas Butler 

W m Cook Gleason " 

Thomas Jones " 

Abraham Parmenter " 

Noah Bogle " 

John Stover transient " 


Joseph Balcom 3 years Joseph Mossman 3 years 

Ruben Haynes " Joel Brigham " 

Capt. Jonathan Maynard had a company in the two months 
service in 1782 in the Seventh Regiment, Lieut. Col. John 
Brooks. He also had a company in the twelve months 
service in the same regiment. 


Joseph Smith 3 years Richard Morris 3 years 

John Burk " James Scroday 

Joseph Maynard " W m Bevens " 

Joshua Maynard " Uriah Eaton ,; 

Isaac Rice " Francis Green " 

Nathaniel Cutler " Patherick Flin during the war 

Joseph Cutler " John Carrol " 

Thadeus Moore " Morris Griffin 
Oliver Sanderson i4 

Other enlistments were, — 

Capt Aaron Haynes during the war Eleazer Lawrence 3 years 
Aaron Haynes Jr 3 years James Beamis " 

The following is a list of Sudbury men in Capt. Daniel 



Bowker's company, together with the time when they joined 
Colonel Webb's regiment : — 


Daniel Bowker Capt. 
Oliver Parmenter 
Ezra Mossman 
Edward Moore 
Silas Ames 
Ashbel Moore 

Isaac Cary 
Asa Holden 
Oliver Travis 

Steven Puffer, died Oct. 3d. 
Silas Puffer 
John Brigham 
Samuel Willis 
Corp. Ezra Willis 


Isaac Cory Jr 
Ruben Graves 

The men from Sudbury joined Sept. 9th except Capt. Bowker who 
entered Sept. loth. Those from East Sudbury entered Oct. 6 th 

Highlands, Nov 20, 1785 

The following paper shows the sums paid for enlistments 
in 1780: — 

Sudbury June 22 d 1780 
We the subscribers do hereby acknowledge that we have severally 
received of the Committee appointed by the town of Sudbury to agree 
with and hire the said Town's Quota of soldiers agreeable to an act of 
the Gen. Court of the fifth of June instant the several sums annexed to 
our names — 


Benjamin X Seaver .£000 


Joshua Hemenway " 750 

Jonas Haynes " GOO 

Abel Brigham " 600 

Abel Cutler " 600 

Ezra Willis "900 

Naham Haynes "750 

Asa Holden " 600 

Joseph X Cutter ,£900 


Peter " 900 

Ebenezer Parmenter "600 

Peletiah X Parmenter "600 

Luther Moor " 700 

Luther Ernes " 900 



Revolutionary War. — Report of a Committee Appointed by the Town 
to Estimate the Service of Sudbury Soldiers. — Appointment of a 
Committee to Make up and Bring in Muster Rolls of the Services of 
Each Soldier in the War. — Muster Rolls: Captain Rice's, Captain 
Wheeler's, Captain Maynard's, Captain Cutting's. — Whole Number 
of Men in the War. — Their Valiant Service. — Casualties. — Sketch 
of Gen. John Nixon. — Town-Meetings. — Encouragements to Enlist- 
ment. — Specimen of Enlistment Papers. — Various Requisitions 
Made on the Town. 

Their death shot shook the feudal tower, 
And shattered slavery's chain as well ; 
On the sky's dome, as on a bell, 

Its echo struck the world's great houi. 


Having now presented the names of the soldiers obtained 
from various other sources, we will give a list found on the 
Town Records, which purports to contain the names of all 
soldiers of the town who served in the Revolutionary War 
up to the fall of 1778, together with extracts from the 
records which led to this enrollment of names. 

June 25, 1778, " The town by their vote ordered their 
Com. appointed to estimate the services of each particular 
person in Sudbury in the present war, to report at the next 
Town meeting." 

At a town-meeting held October 19, the committee above 
mentioned reported as follows : — (The fractional parts of 
pounds we have omitted.) 

That the minute men be allowed each £3 

That the Eight Months be allowed each -0 

Six weeks men to Roxbury allowed each 4 



Two months men to Cambridge allowed each £6 

The years men to York and the Northward allowed each 75 

Six months men to the Castle allowed each 9 

Five months men to Ticonderoga allowed each 50 

Three months men to Dorchester with Cap' Moulton allowed each 7 

Two months men to York allowed each 25 

Three months men to York and the Jerseys allowed each 48 

Two months men to Providence allowed each 12 

Three months men to Ticonderoga allowed each 52 

Thirty days men to Saratoga allowed each 20 

Three months men to Providence allowed each 30 

Three months men to guard at Cambridge allowed each IS 

Six weeks men to Rhode Island allowed each 20 

Four months men to guard the troops and stores allowed each 20 

Three months men to Boston allowed each 20 

That those persons who have hired men to perform any of the above 
services at a time when there was an actual Levy for men, be allowed 
for Said Service as if performed in person. That those that paid fines 
or advanced money for the good of the service, be allowed in the same 
proportion as their money would procure men to perform the Services 
which at that time they Neglected to do in person. That no persons 
shall be intitled to Receive pay for any of the above Services Unless he 
Shall be first taxed towards the payment thereof. Also that Each per- 
son shall Receive pay only for the time he was in actual Service 

Sudbury Octo r 19 th 1778 Ezekiel How "| 

Phineas Glezen 
Jon a Rice 
Asahel Wheeler 
Isaac Loker 
Tho Walker J 

The town voted to accept the above report, and appointed 
men to make up and bring to the town complete muster rolls 
of the services of each person in Sudbury in the then present 
war with Great Britain. This meeting was adjourned to 
October 26, at which date the following record was made, 
namely : — 

Oct. 20 th 1778. Capt Rice's musteroll was read, and the town voted 
to Grant to Each person Expressed by name in said musteroll the Sum 
Set to their Respective name, as may appear by said musteroll, which 
was as follows viz 1 

To Hopestill Willis .£73 Silas Parmenter £YJ 

Ens" Josiah Richardson 75 Elisha Harrington 12 

John Moore 53 Nathan Read. 25 




Uriah Moore Ju r j£58 

Asher Cutler Ju r 71 

Will'" Goodenow 51 

L r Thomas Goodenow 30 

Israel Willis adm r 51 

Sam 1 Cutting 41 

Nath al Rice Ju r 35 

Joseph Green 10 

Abel Parmenter 17 

Isaac Hunt Ju 1 ' 02 

Nath 11 Bryant 35 

Uriah Hayden 95 

Abel Goodenow 31 

David How 120 

Philemon Brown 35 

L' Jacob Read 70 

James Wyse 75 

John Goodenow 50 

L' Jon a Carter 102 

Dan 11 W Moore 50 

W m Walker 50 

Deliverance Parmenter 50 

Jotham Goodenow 50 

Col. Ezekiel How 70 

Dan 11 Osborn 70 

Elijah Rice 50 

Peter Haynes 50 

Jon n Carter Ju r 70 

Nath 11 Rice 50 

Cap 1 Jon" Rice 95 

Isaac Read 33 

Elijah Moore 10 

Cap 1 Cornelius Wood 9 

L' Rowand Bogle 03 

Robert Ernes 20 

Eph m Carter 25 

John Brigham 35 

John Parry 45 

Uriah Parmenter 55 

Jos h Parmenter 45 

Oliver Mors 28 

Eph m Moore 45 

Joseph Moore 35 

Hopestill Brown 90 

W m Brown 68 

Isaac Lincoln Ju r 4S 

L' Micah Goodenow ,£116 

Eben r Wood 51 

Jesse Moore adm r 21 

Hopestill Browne ad r 6 

Cap' Sam 1 Knight 44 

Asher Cutler 9 

Cor 1 Sam 1 How 46 

Aaron Johnson 77 

William Parmenter 9 

Reuben Vorce 12 

Sam 11 Hunt 12 

Cap 1 Israel Moore 102 

L' Elisha Wheeler 73 

Aaron Goodenow Ju r 52 

Tho. Ernes 26 

Nath 11 Brown 11 

Edward Bayanton 26 

John Browne 52 

Wid° Sarah Brigham 52 

Israel Parmenter 52 

Cap' Moses Stone 50 

Silas Goodenow 40 

Tho 3 Carr Ju r 48 

Uriah Gibbs 30 

Micah Parmenter 30 

James Thomson 41 

Ens" Jonas Holdin 53 

W m Hayden 53 

Eliab Moore 39 

Jonas Wheler 18 

Tho' Dalrimple 27 

Sam 11 Geason 26 

Abel Thomson 75 

Will"' Hunt 33 

D r Josiah Langdon 12 

Sam 11 Bent 3 

Elisha Wheeler Ju 51 

Eph m Goodenow Ju r 20 

David How Ju r 3 

Moses Goodenow 3 

John Willis 32 

Sam 11 Brown 32 

Joseph Grout 32 

Cap' Abel Holdin 96 

Luther Moore 29 

Aaron Ernes 21 



Jesse Gibbs ,£48 

Nahum Hayden 48 

W m Parmenter 48 

Reuben Willis 48 

Tho 9 Walker 48 

U Joseph Read 27 

L* Joseph Goodenow 19 

Timothy Emes 27 

M r Asahel Goodenow ,£12 

Elijah Willis Exe T 10 

Aaron Goodenow 17 

Augustus Walker 17 

Charles Emes 20 

Ezekiel How Ju r 52 

Ens n Levi Holdin 75 

Capt Asahel Wheeler's Musteroll was read, and the town voted to 
allow to each person expressed by name therein the Sum Set to his 
name in said musteroll, which was as follows viz' 

To Cap 1 Asahel Wheler 
L l Joshua Haynes 
U Abijah Brigham 
Augustus Moore 
Isaac Maynard 
Asahel Balcom 
Will" 1 Moore 
Uriah Wheler 
Jason Haynes 
Peter Smith 
John Maynard Ju r 
Dan 11 Maynard 
Jason Pent 
Jon a Bent 
Joseph Balcom 
John Balcom 
Jonas Balcom 
Sam 11 Brigham 
Hope Brown 
John Clark 
James Carter 
Joseph Dakin 
Dea™ Sam 11 Dakin 
Dan 11 Goodenow 
Moses Haynes 
Israel Haynes 
James Haynes 
Jon a Haynes 
Charles Haynes 
Cap 1 Aaron Haynes 
Macah Haywood 
Moses Maynard 
Nathan Maynard 
John Maynard 


Phinehas Puffer 



Tho" Puffer 



Isaac Puffer 



James Parmenter Ju r 



Edmund Parmenter 



Tho 3 Plympton Esq r 



Dan 11 Puffer 



Charles Rice 



W m Rice 3d 



Ithamor Rice 



Abel Smith 



John Shirly 



Sam 11 Puffer 



L' Oliver Noyse 



Nathan Loring 



Cap' Elijah Smith 



Henry Smith 



Benj n Smith 



Jotham Brown 



John Shepard 



Ambrose Tower 



Israel Wheler 



John Weighton 



Abel Willis 



Cop 1 Dan 11 Bowker 



L' James Puffer 



James Puffer Ju r 



Dan 11 Loring 



Jere h Robbins 



W"> Hunt Ju r 



John Mosmon 



L' Mathias Mosman 



Francis Green 



Jesse Willis 




Aaron Maynard 


Silas Tower 


Timo? Moore 


Capt David Moore Ex r 


Zec h Maynard 


Triad' Moore Ex r 


Jesse Mosman 


Simeon Ingersal Ex r 


Joseph Maynard Guar 


Nath a Cutter Ex r 


Dan u Noyse Jun 


Jonas Rice Ex r 


Moses Noyse 


Jon a Smith 


Then Cap 1 Nath 11 Maynard's Musteroll was read and the town voted 
to allow to each person expressed by name therein the Sum Set to his 
name in said Musteroll which was as followeth viz' 

To John Adams ,£50 

Benj n Adams 23 

Josiah Allen 50 

Ephe ra Abbot 30 

Amos Abbot 20 

W m Baldwin Esq r 50 

L* W m Barker 32 

Rolan Bennet 12 

John Dean 45 

James Davis 52 

L 4 Josiah Farrar 13 

Abraham Jenkinson 52 

Sam 11 Griffin 80 

Micah Graves 57 

Phinehas Glezen 63 

Isaac Gould 4 

Reuben Gould 25 

Jacob Gould 25 

Cap 1 Josiah Hoar 5 

L 4 Jon a Hoar 40 

Cap 4 Nath 11 Maynard 68 

Daniel Maynard 50 

Dan 11 Moore 34 

Israel Moore 12 

John Noyes Esq' 50 

James Noyes 52 

Jason Parmenter 18 

Jon r Parmenter Ju r 15 

D r Eben r Roby 50 

Joseph Rutter Ju r 50 

Tho 8 Rutter 20 

Jonas Sherman 25 

Edward Sherman 50 

Timo* Sherman 12 

L 4 Eben r Staples ^18 

Tho 8 Trask 12 

Isaac Woodward 7 

L 4 John Noyes 73 

Samuel Sherman 20 

Eph m Allen ad m 95 

James Philips 95 

Lemuel Whiting 95 

L 4 Josiah Wilinton 95 

John Brewer 40 

Elijah Bent 95 

Zech h Bent 6 

Zech h Bryant Ju r 70 

John Bruce 50 

Maj r Jo 8 Curtis 5 

David Curtis 32 

IS Sam 11 Choat 25 

Thad 8 Bond 40 

Cap 1 Joseph Payson 32 

W m Wyman 30 

Isaac Brintnal 20 

Peter Brintnal 20 

Joshua Kendal 20 

Cap 4 Richard Heard 132 

Tho 8 Heard 53 

Richard Heard Ju r 20 

Trobridge Taylor 18 

Darius Hudson 52 

Joseph Emerson 52 

Nath 1 Knolton 20 

Sam" Haynes 3 

Wid° Ann Noyes 30 

Isaac Moore- 20 

Simon Newton 70 



Then Capt Cutting's Musteroll was read and the town voted to allow 
to each person expressed by name therein, the Sum Set to his name in 
said Musteroll, which was as follows, viz' 

To L' W m Bond 


L' Joseph Smith 


Thorn 8 Brintnal 


Cap' Caleb Moulton 


Joseph Beal 


Micah Maynard ad r 


Isaac Cutting 


Amos Ordeway 


John Cutting 


D n Sam 11 Parris 


Elisha Cutting 


L' Isaac Rice 


Jon a Cutting 


Isaac Rice 


Sam 11 Curtis 


Dan 11 Rice 


Tho 8 Damon Ju r 


Israel Rice Ju r 


W m Damon 


Jonas Rice 


Isaac Damon 


Edmund Rice 


Benj D Dudley Ju r 


L' Sam 11 Russell 


Cor' Joseph Dudley 


Capt. Thad 9 Russell 


Eben r Dudley 


Capt Robert Cutting 


W m Dudley 


Jacob Reeves 


Eben r Johnson 


L' Nath a Reeves 


Peter Johnson 


Joseph Smith Capt. 


John Loker 


L' Ephraim Smith 


Jonas Loker ad r 


Isaac Stone 


Cap' Isaac Loker 


David Stone 


John Meriam 


Joel Stone 


Capt. Caleb Moulton 


John Tilton 


Capt Micah Maynard ad r 


John Tilton Ju r 


Amos Ordeway 


Timo y Underwood ad r 


D r Sam" Peris 


Timo y Underwood 


Lt Isaac Rice 


Jon a Westson 


Isaac Rice 


Isaac Williams 


Dan 11 Rice 


L' John Whitney 


Israel Rice Ju r 


Eben r Eaton 


Micah Rice 


Will™ Grout 


Isaac Smith 


Francis Jones 


Cap' Tho 8 Damon 


Cap 1 Jesse Ernes 


John Barney 


The foregoing lists indicate a patriotic zeal highly com- 
mendable to the citizens of Sudbury. The town had a 
population of twenty-one hundred and sixty with about five 
hundred ratable polls ; and it is supposed that, during the 
war, from four to five hundred men had some service either 
in camp or field. Of these soldiers, one was brigadier- 


general, three were colonels, two were majors, two were adju- 
tants, two were surgeons, twenty-four were captains and 
twenty-nine were lieutenants. We hear of Sudbury men 
from Concord to Bunker Hill, and from there to the High- 
lands of the Hudson. Where Washington went they fol- 
lowed. They stood, near Stark in that post of danger by the 
bank of the Mystic. They were ordered to strike the front 
of Burgoyne at the north, and they endured, the rigors of a 
Canadian winter in the attempt to gain Canada for the Con- 
tinental cause. It matters not where they were found, they 
were true to their commander and loyal to every trust. The 
officers were the friends of the great leaders of the American 
army, and the record of the achievements of the sons of 
Sudbury, in the old French and Indian War period, was not 
broken when they met in open field the discipline and expe- 
rience of the veteran troops of the British throne. Wherever 
an English front was deployed, Sudbury soldiers, if ordered, 
never flinched from meeting it. They went into the field to 
stay, or, if they returned, to rally if again called, to the 
conflict. The summons to town-meeting at home was but 
;is the long roll of the civilian which called him to devise 
means for filling and equipping the quota of troops or 
to assist the families of men at the front. Ticonderoga, 
Saratoga, Stillwater and White Plains were familiar names 
in old Sudbury. The battle-fields of the Revolution were 
not alone heard of by the children in the little red school- 
houses on the town's common land, but they heard them 
talked of in the household by those who had been upon them 
in the measured march or counter-march, the advance, 
retreat, or pursuit, until they were as well known as the 
broad acres on their own peaceful farms. The old king's or 
queen's arm in the corner had its history. The bullet-pouch 
had been emptied time after time into the ranks of the foe, 
and the cocked hat that long hung by the fireside was be- 
grimed, not by the smoke from the hearth, but by the dust 
and smoke of battle. That the soldiers were in places of 
peril is indicated by the following record of casualties, 
though probably but a part of them are here recorded. 



Deacon Josiah Haynes, Aged 80, April 19 th 1775 

Asahel Read April 19 th 1775 

Joshua Haynes Jr, of Capt Aaron Haynes' Company, June th 1775, at 

Bunker Hill. 
Sergeant Thadeus Moore, 1777, at Saratoga 
Benjamin Whitney, — By accident — 


Gen, John Nixon at Bunker Hill Cornelius Wood 

Nathan Maynard : : Nahum Haynes 

Capt, David Moore Lieut, Joshua Clapp, wounded at 

Joshua Haynes Saratoga 

Benjamin Barry, lost an arm in Canada Expedition, 1770 


Sergeant Major Jesse Moore Sergeant Samuel Maynard, of the 

Sergeant Hopestill Brown small pox, at Ouebeck with 

Sergeant Elijah Willis Arnold, 1770 


Ensign Timothy Underwood Oliver Sanderson 

Daniel Underwood James Puffer 

Phinehas Gleason Stephen Puffer, of Capt Daniel 

Solomon Rice Bowker's Co , Col Webb's Reg' 

Timothy Rice died Oct 3 d 

Josiah Cutter 


Thadeus Harrington Thomas Dalrimple 

Thomas Moore Daniel Haynes. 


Isaac Moore Silas Goodenow 

Lemuel Goodenow Peletiah Parmenter 



John Brewer James Demander 

John Bemis Timothy Mossman. 

" Green be the graves where her martyrs are lying ; 
Shroudless and tombless they sank to their rest; 
While o'er their ashes the starry fold flying 
Wraps the proud eagle they roused from his nest." 

Ill closing this account of Sudbury's military service we 
will q-ive some facts in the life of General Nixon. 



Gen. John Nixon was a son of Christopher Nixon who 
went to Framingham about 1724, where seven children were 
born of whom John was the oldest. At an early age, being 
but a mere boy, he entered the army, and at the instigation 
of older persons he left unlawfully, but clemency was shown 
him and he was allowed to return to the ranks. His subse- 
quent career proved him to be a true soldier. 

In 1745, when he was but twenty years old, he was in the 
Pepperell Expedition to Louisburg, and lieutenant in Cap- 
tain Newell's company at Crown Point in 1755. Later in 
the war he served as captain. At one time, when operating 
against the French forces, he was led into an ambuscade and 
only forced his way out with the loss of most of his men. 
As before noticed, at the beginning of the Revolutionary 
War he served as captain of a company of minute men. 
April 24, 1775, he received the commission of colonel. He 
fought and was wounded at the battle of Banker Hill. He 
went with the army under Washington to New York, and 
was promoted, August 9, to brigadier-general. His promo- 
tion to the rank of general of brigade W as on recommenda- 
tion of Washington, who stated to Congress that Nixon's 
military talents and bravery entitled him to promotion. In 
his new position he had, for a time, command of two regi- 
ments and a force of artillery at Governor's Island, New 
York Harbor. August 27, he left there, and subsequently 
operated with the army in the northern campaign in New 
York State against Burgoyne. When it was decided to 
advance against the latter, General Gates ordered Nixon and 
two other commanders to make the attack. A cannon ball 
passed so near his head that the sight and hearing on one 
side were impaired. After the surrender of Burgoyne, 
General Nixon and some others were detailed to escort the 
prisoners to Cambridge. About that time he had a furlough 
of several months, in which time he married his second wife. 
General Nixon was on the court-martial — with Generals 
Clinton, Wayne and Muhlenburg, and of which Gen. Ben- 
jamin Lincoln was president — for the trial of General 


Schuyler for the neglect of duty in the campaign of 1777, by 
which Ticonderoga was surrendered. The trial was at the 
request of General Schuyler, and by it he was fully acquitted 
with the highest honors. In 1777, General Nixon's brigade 
had head-quarters for a time at Peekskill, N. Y., and for a 
time in 1777, at Albany. On Sept. 12, 1780, he closed his 
military career by resigning his commission as general, and 
retired to private life. He married for his first wife Thank- 
ful Berry, Feb. 7, 1754 ; and for his second, Hannah Gleason 
in 1778, the widow of Capt. Micajah Gleason who was killed 
at the battle of White Plains, N. Y., in 1776. He had nine 
children, of whom five were daughters. One of them, 
Sarah, married Abel Cutler, the father of the late C. G. 
Cutler, Esq., of Sudbuiy. 

About 1806, he went to Middlebury, Vt. At the time of 
the battle of Lake Cham plain he was living with a daughter 
at Burlington ; and, on hearing the sound of the cannon on 
the lake, he wanted a horse brought that he might go and 
witness the fight. General Nixon died at Middlebury, 1815, 
at the advanced age of ninety. When he was thirty years 
old he bought a tract of thirty-two acres of land of Josiah 
Browne on the northern side of Nobscot Hill, where he was 
living at the breaking out of the Revolutionary War. After 
he retired from the army, he lived for a time at Framingham 
and kept tavern at Rice's End. He afterwards returned to 
Sudbuiy, and was admitted to the church there May 22, 1803. 

Although Mr. Nixon was pre-eminently a military man 
by nature and experience, and had known much of the hard 
fare and the rough companionship of the army, yet he was 
a man of affable address and quiet demeanor. He was of 
light complexion, medium size and cheerful disposition. He 
was a decided man and a great lover of children. One of 
his grandsons informed the writer that the old man used to 
take his grandchildren on his knee and sing war songs to 
them ; one that he remembered was as follows : — 

" Oh, why, soldiers, why, should we be melancholy, boys ? whose busi- 
ness 'tis to die. 
Through cold, hot and dry we are always bound to follow, boys, and 
scorn to fly." 


C. G. Cutler, the grandson referred to, was about ninety 
years old when he repeated the verse. None of General 
Nixon's family, who bear the name, are now living in Sud- 
bury. The site of his dwelling-place is still pointed out not 
far from the run or spring land on the northerly slope of 
Nobscot, but even the last faint trace of his former dwelling- 
place time is fast wearing away, and soon nothing but the 
record will tell of this illustrious citizen and soldier of 

In considering the military service of the town in the 
Revolutionary War, we have only considered a part of her 
history. During that time important civil transactions were 
taking place also. There were deprivations to be endured 
by those at home : the country was burdened with debt, the 
currency was in a very uncertain stale, and, because of its 
depreciated condition, there was more or less confusion in 
commercial affairs. There was as much need of sagacity on 
the part of the civilian in council, as of military men in the 
field, to direct the affairs of State and town. The town- 
meetings of those da} T s were very important occasions, and, 
unless the people met emergencies there in a prompt and 
efficient manner, the fighting element in the field could 
accomplish but little. In this respect the people of Sudbury 
were not deficient. We have heard of no instance where a 
Tory spirit was manifest nor where a patriotic purpose was 
wanting. During; the war, a larije share of the town war- 
rants set forth the needs of the county or town which were 
caused by the war ; and the town-meeting that followed was 
about sure to result in a generous response to the demand. 
As the history of the Avar period will not be complete with- 
out presenting some of these acts we will give a few of them 


We may well presume from the spirit manifested by the 
minute companies, more or less of whose members enlisted 
for a longer or shorter term, that patriotism was a prominent 
motive for entering the service. But the war was protracted, 
and a large share of the soldiers had families dependent upon 
them, and, hence, for the late enlistments extra inducements 

Sketch of Family History. Page 450. 


were to be expected. To narrate all that was done at each 
successive town-meeting would be needless ; we will, there- 
fore, give only a few specimens which will serve to show the 
spirit of the people. 

In 1777, twenty pounds were voted to each man who 
would enlist ; also the town chose a committee to provide for 
soldiers' families. 

In 1778, voted some three hundred and seventy pounds 
for clothing for the soldiers ; also the town committee were 
instructed to hire men for the army for seventy-four pounds 
each "if they could if not, to give more." The same year 
" voted to give 50 pounds to each man who would enlist as 
a part of the town quota for 9 months." 

The same year a committee was appointed " to hire 12 
men to go to the North River for 8 months or such time as 
they will agree for." 

The same year " 14 men were hired for the service of 

On May 17, 1779, voted to " hire the men to be detatched 
from the militia of this town to march to Tiverton, R. I., 
and granted 1300 pounds to hire the men with and 200 
pounds to provide things for their families." 

In 1779, a committee was chosen " to hire men for the 
public service in behalf of the town whenever there may be 
a call on the militia for service." 

At the same date, four hundred and twenty pounds were 
granted " to hire five soldiers with for service of Tiverton 
R. I." 

The same date, thirty-nine hundred pounds were granted 
to hire thirteen soldiers for nine months' service. 

In 1781, voted that the committee should attend to "hiring 
the town quota for three years without loss of time and if the 
men cannot be obtained in town then they are to apply else- 
where," fifteen pounds in specie was granted for the purpose. 

As an inducement to enlistment the town sometimes 
offered live stock. The following is a specimen : — 

" We being a Committee appointed by the Town of Sud- 
bury to hire the Town Quota of men for three years or 


During the war agreable to a Resolve of Court Dec 2, 1780 
do agree with John Ruck, Naynam Haynes, Zechrus Robi- 
son and Oliver Robison who has enlisted themselves into the 
Sarvis agreable to Law, Resolve to give each of them 
Eighteen this Spring Calves, Said Calves to be kept for and 
Delivered to the above Parsons when they are Regularly 
Discharged from the Said Sarvis, also Three Thousing Dol- 
lars old Currency to be paid Each when they are properly 

" Asahel Wheeler \ 

" Aaron Haynes > Committee." 

u Jon a Rice ) 

We give below a copy of a soldier's Enlistment Paper. 

We the subscribers do hereby severally inlist Ourselves into the 
Service of the United Colonies of America to serve until the first day 
of April next, if the service shall require it ; and each of us do engage 
to furnish and carry with us into the Service a good effective Firearm 
and Blanket also a good Bayonet and Cartridge Pouch if possible. And 
we severally consent to be formed by such Persons as the General 
Court shall appoint into a Company of Ninety men including one 
Captain Two Lieutenants one Ensign four Sergeants, four Corporals 
one Drummer and one Fifer, to be elected by the Companies, and when 
formed we engage to march to Headquarters of the American Army 
with the utmost Expedition and to be under the command of such Field 
Officer or Officers as the Gen. Court shall appoint. And we farther 
agree during the Time aforesaid to be subject to such Generals as are 
or shall be appointed ; and to be under such Regulations in every 
Respect as are provided for the Army aforesaid. Dated this Day of 

A. D. 1776. 

Jesse Jones Zebediah Farrar. 

John Peter Richard Heard 

Sarson Belcher Joseph Smith 

Timothy Underwood John Merriam. 

Josia Farrar Abraham Parmenter 

Ephraim Smith Benjamin Dudley 

Phinehas Glezen Israel Jones 
Uriah Moore. 

Besides the furnishing of men and equipments various 
other services were from time to time required of the town. 
At one time the towns were assessed for hay for the army at 


Cambridge, and Sudbury was required to furnish nine tons ; 
only three other towns were required to furnish as much. 
At another time they were called on to provide men and 
teams to convey gunpowder to Springfield. 



Attention the Town Bestowed on its Home Needs during the War. — 
Specimen Report of a Town-Meeting. — Attitude of the Town 
towards the Measures of Boston Merchants relative to the Reduc- 
tion of Prices. — Appointment of Delegate to a Convention Called 
for the Purpose of Framing a New Constitution. — Committee 
Appointed to Regulate Prices. — Report of Committee. — Vote on 
the New Constitution. — Educational Matters. — Division of the 
Town. — Committee on a Line of Division. — Committee Appointed 
to Present a Remonstrance to the Court. — Instructions to the Com- 
mittee. — Act of the Court Authorizing a Division. — Committee 
Appointed to Make a Division of the Money and Real Estate. — 
Report of the Committee. — Appointment of Other Committees. — 
Financial Report. — Official Boards for 1780 and 1781. — Miscellaneous. 
— Shay's Rebellion. — Erection of Meeting-House. — Miscellaneous. 

The roll of drums and the bugle's wailing 

Vex the air of our vales no more ; 
The spear is beaten to hooks of pruning, 

The share is the sword the soldiers wore. 


The following specimen of work done at a fall town- 
meeting in the very midst of the war shows that home needs 
were not neglected while military matters were absorbing so 
much attention. Nov. 8, 1779, the town granted money as 
follows, namely : — 

To pay the several town Debts .£1457 : : 

To pay the Rev d Ministers their Salary 148 : : 


Gratuity to the Rev d Ministers ,£2000 : : 

for the Grammar School 1000 : : 

for a Reading and Writing School 2000 : : 

for the support of the Poor 2000 : : 

to pay the Assessors 200 : : 

to pay the town Treasrer 40 : : 

to the Towns Com t,ee for money paid to the Last Six 

months men to the State of New York 500 : : 

to the Selectmen the money paid to s d men by order of 

the General Court 500 : : 

to pay the money that has been paid to the six months 

men to Rhode Island 180 : : 

to provide for the Continental families 800 : : 

At the same town meeting adjourned to Dec. G" 1 1779 the town 
granted six hundred pounds to enable a committee chosen at said 
meeting to oppose a Division of the town and to carry on said affair. 

James Thompson, Town Clerk. 

At a town meeting held July 12, 1779, it was 

Voted that this town highly approves of the measures taken by the 
merchants and other the inhabitants of the town of Boston in order to 
reduce the exorbitant prices of the necessaries of life. Consequently 
to appreciate our Currency that the town will adopt such reasonable 
measures as may be agreed upon by the joint Committees from the 
several towns in this state. It also voted to send Major Joseph Curtis 
to represent them in the convention to meet in Cambridge for the 
purpose of framing a new constitution or form of government, and 
instructed him to cause a printed copy of the form of a constitution 
that might be agreed upon to be transmitted to the Select Men of the 

Aug 9th. The town voted to appoint seven persons to state the 
prices of Innholders' labour, Theaming, manufactures and all other 
articles not taken up by the convention at Concord. 

Aug. lGth. The town having met according to adjournment, the 
Committee appointed to state the prices of all such articles as were not 
taken up by the Convention at Concord reported as follows 

West India Rum by the gallon £6. 9 

New England Rum by the gallon 4.15 

Coffe by the pound 4.15 

Sugar by the pound from 11 to 14. Chocolate by the pound 24. 
Bohe Tea by the pound 5 : 16. Cotton wool by the pound ?>7 : 0. 
German Steel 30 D° Salt best quality by the Bushel £10 : 10 


Country Produce — Indian Corn by the Bushel 80, Rye by the 
Bushel, £o : 10 Wheat by the Bushel £8 : 10 Beaf by the pound 5 
Muton, Lamb and Veal by the pound 3 : 6 Foreign Beaf and Pork as 
sett by the convention. Butter by the pound 11 Chese D° 6 Milk by 
the quart 10 English Hay q r hundred 30 

Men's shoes 6 ,bs , women's shoes 4 11 ' 3 , cotton cloth 4 : 0, 
Labor. — teaming under 30 miles IS, carpenter work by the day 60, 
Mason per day 60, Maids wages per week 5 Dollars. Oxen per day 
24, Horse Hire 3 per mile. Inn Holder a good dinner 20, common 
dinner 12. Best supper and Breakfast 15, each common Do. 12, 
Lodgings 4. Horse keeping 24 hours on hay 15, on grass 10, a yoke of 
oxen a night 15. 

The grade of prices thus established was made in accord- 
ance with a resolve of a convention that met at Concord, 
and the list of prices made was in depreciated currency that 
was in ratio of about twenty shillings paper to one shilling 
in silver. " If any one should persist in refusing to accept 
these prices, their names should be published in the public 
News Paper and the good people of the town should with- 
hold all trade and intercourse from them." 

On May 17, 1779, a vote was taken to see how many 
favored the formation of a new constitution or form of 
government. Fifty -nine voted in the affirmative and ten 
in the negative. The representative was instructed to 
vote for calling a State convention to form the new con- 

At a meeting held May 22, 1780, " The Constitution 
being read, the town voted that they think it reasonable 
that each town in the State should pay their own proper 
representatives both their travel to and attendance at the 
General Court, and desire that clause providing for their 
pa}' for travel out of the public treasury should be altred, 
41 voting for this alteration and 8 against it. They desire 
that the word Protestant may be inserted in the room of, or 
added to the word Christian Religion, in qualifications of the 
Govenor and all other officers both civil and military, 30 for 
and 19 against it. 

" They also desire that the time for revising the Constitu- 
tion may not exceed seven -years, 55 voting for this altera- 
tion, one against it." 



Prominent among the records relating to educational 
matters in the early part of the period was the following : 
1773. "To Daniel Bowker for building N. W. School House 
18 pounds, to the same for building Lanham School House 
23-6-8. To Ambrose Tower for building school house near 
west meeting house 17-7-4. To W m Dudley to building 
the Farm end school house 26-13-4." In 1774, a vote was 
taken to see " if the town will order that the several school 
houses in said town shall be supplied with wood for the 
future at the charge of the town." It " passed in the nega- 
tive." It may be that it had been customary for the citizens 
of each district to contribute wood for the school-houses 
and that this was an early movement made to have it sup- 
plied by the town. That the school-houses were warmed in 
those times is evident. The following year the town granted 
eight pounds for supplying the several school-houses with 
wood for the year, and repeatedly after this were sums 
granted for this purpose. That the school-houses at that 
time were warmed by means of a fire-place is indicated by 
the following record of 1782 : " To Jacob Reed for mending 
hearth at Lanham school house." In 1778, the town voted 
to build a new school-house near Mr. Phineas Puffers. In 
1779, it was voted to build a new school-house in the north- 
west corner of the town, appropriating the two old school- 
houses for the building of the new. 


A prominent event of this period was the division of the 
town. The proposition came before the town by petition 
of John Tilton and others June 25, 1778, in the East 
meeting-house. " The question was put whether it was the 
minds of the Town, that the Town of Sudbury should be 
divided into two towns, and it was passed in the affirmative. 
And appointed the following gentlemen to agree on a Divi- 
sion Line and Report at the Adjournment of this meeting 
viz Col Ezekiel How Cap 1 Richard Heard M r Nathan Loring 
M r Phinehas Glezen M r John Maynard and M r John 


Meriara." The committee reported that they were not 
agreed as to the line of division. 

At a meeting held Jan. 1, 1779, the town appointed 
Major Joseph Curtis, Thomas Plympton, Esq., Mr. John 
Balcom, Capt. Richard Heard and Capt. Jonathan Rice to 
agree on a line of division. At the same meeting measures 
were taken to petition the General Court. Strong opposi- 
tion at once manifested itself, and the town was warned to 
meet at the West meeting-house December 6, — 

" 1 st To choose a moderator 

" 2 d To see if the town will choose a Committee to act in 
behalf of this Town at the Great and General Court of this 
State to Oppose a Division of s d Town and give the Com tee So 
chosen Such Instruction Relating to said affair as the Town 
may think proper and grant a Sum of Mone}^ to Enable said 
Com tee to Carry on Said Business " 

The meeting resulted as follows : — 

" 1 st Chose Asahel Wheeler moderator 

" 2 d Chose Col Ezekiel Howe M r W m Rice Ju r and Thomas 
Plympton Esq a committee for the Purpose contained in this 
article and granted the sum of three hundred Pounds to 
Enable their Com tee to Carry on said affair then adjourned 
this meeting to tomorrow at three oclock at the same place. 

" Tuesday Decem r 7th The Town met according to 
adjournment proceeded and gave their Com tee Chosen to 
oppose a division of this Town &c the following Instruc- 
tions viz. 

" To Col Ezekiel Howe, Tho s Plympton Esq and M r Rice 
Ju r you being chosen a Com tee by the Town of Sudbury to 
oppose a division of s d Town as Lately Reported by a 
Com tee of the Hon le General Court of this State 

" You are hereby authorized and Instructed to preferr a 
Petition or memorial to the General Court in behalf of Said 
Town. Praying that the Bill for Dividing S d Town May be 
set a fire or altred setting forth the Great Disadvantages the 
Westerly part of the Town will Labour under by a Division 
of said Town as reported by s d Com tee viz : as said report 
deprives them of all the gravel and obliges them to maintain 


the one half of the Great Causeways on the Easterly part 
of said Town notwithstanding the necessaiy repairs of the 
Highways on the westerly part of said Town are nearly 
double to that on the East. 

" Said Report also deprives them of the Pound, it also 
deprives them of a Training field though Given by the Pro- 
prietors of Said Town to the Westerly side for a Training 
field for Ever 

" And further as there is no provision made in said report 
for the Support of the Poor in Said Town which will be a 
verry heavy burthen to the West side of the Town as the 
report now stands. Also at said adjournment the Town 
Granted the sum of three Hundred pounds, in addition to 
the other Grant of three hundred Pounds to Enable their 
Com tee to carry on said Petition 

; ' Then the town by their vote dissolved this meeting " 

But, notwithstanding the vigorous protest made by promi- 
nent citizens, their arguments did not prevail with the 
Court, and an article was passed, April 10, 1780, which 
authorized a division of the town. A committee was ap- 
pointed by the town to consider a plan for the division of 
property and an equitable adjustment of the obligations 
of the East and West parts of the town. At an adjourned 
meeting, held March 14, the committee rendered the follow- 
ing report which was accepted and agreed upon. 

" We the Subscribers being appointed a committee to Join 
a Com tee from East Sudbury to make a Division of the 
Money and Estate belonging to the Town of Sudbury and 
East Sudbury agreeable to an Act of the General Court 
Passed the 10 th of April 1780, for Dividing the Town of 
Sudbury, proceded and agreed as folio weth viz : that all the 
Money Due on the Bonds and Notes being the Donation of 
Mary Doan to the East Side of the River be Disposed of to 
East Sudbury according to the will of the Donor. And 
the money Due on Bonds and Notes given by Mr. Peter 
Noyes and Capt Joshua Haynes for the Benefit of the Poor 
and Schooling be Equally Divided between Each of the 


S d Towns, which Sum is 423 : 3 : 4 That all the Money 
Dae on Bonds and Notes for the New Grant Lands, or 
Money Now in the Treasury or in Constables' hands be 
Equally Divided between Each of Said Towns which Sums 
are as follows viz : 

" Due on New Grant Bonds and Notes 133 : 14 : 7 
" Due from Constable 3110 : 10 : 7 

" Due from the Town Treasurer 348 : 6:5 

" And that all Land that belonged to the Town of Sud- 
bury or for the benefit of the Poor shall be Divided agree- 
able to the Act of the General Court for Dividing Said 
Town. And that the Pound and Old Bell and the Town 
Standard of Weights and Measures which belonged to the 
Town of Sudbury be Sold at publick vandue and the pro- 
ceeds to be Equally divided between the towns of Sudbury 
and East Sudbury. 

" Also that the Town Stock of Arms and Amanition be 
Divided as set forth in the Act of the General Court for 
Dividing the Town of Sudbury. And if any thing shall be 
made to appear to be Estate or property that Should belong 
to the town of Sudbury before the Division of the above 
articles it Shall be Equally Divided between the Town of 
Sudbury and the Town of East Sudbury. And that the 
Town of East Sudbury shall Support and Maintain as their 
Poor During their Life the Widow Vickry and Abigail 
Isgate, And all Such Persons as have Gained a Residence in 
the Town of Sudbury before the division of S d Town and 
shall hereafter be brought to the Town of Sudbury or the 
Town of East Sudbury as their Poor Shall be Supported by 
that Town in which they Gained their Inhabitance. Also 
that the Debts Due from Said Town of Sudbury Shall be 
paid the one half by the Town of Sudbury and the other 
half by the Town of East Sudbury which Sum is 2977 : 7 : 1 

" Asher Cutler Asahel Wheeler \ 

" Tho s Walker Isaac Maynard V Committee " 

" James Thomson ) 

Other committees concerning the matter of division were 
appointed the same year. The assessors were to make a 







142 lbs 

.394 lbs 











division with East Sudbury of the men required of Sudbury 
and East Sudbury for three years ; also to make division of 
clothing, beef, etc., required of said town. A committee, 
April 23, 1781, made the following financial exhibit: — 

Due to Sudbury in the Constable's and Treasurer's hands 

That the town had to pay the sum of 

Sudbury's part of the Powder 

Their part of the Lead 

their part of the Guns on hand 

The old Bell, Pound and Town Standard of Weights and 
Measures sold for 

Sudbury's part of the above sum is 

Received of money 

The charge of sale 

The remainder to be paid by the treasurer of E. Sudbury. 

Money due to the town in M r Cutler's hands taken out of 
the State Treasury for what was advanced by the 
Town of Sudbury for the support of Soldiers' families 
who are in the Continental Army 1200 .2.0 

In the division Sherman's Bridge was left partly in each 
town, and the river formed about half the town's eastern 
boundary. At a place on Sand Hill the town line was made 
irregular in order to admit the training-field and the Caleb 
Wheeler farm, which was a triangular piece of about forty- 
three acres. The definition of the town boundary line and 
the clause which retained the training-field and the Wheeler 
farm in the town is as follows : — 

" Beginning with the river between Concord and Lincoln, 
thence running with the river till it comes to the mouth of a 
ditch on the west side of said river between the lands of 
W 1 " Baldwin Esq, and Eliakim Rice ; — thence on said ditch 
to the County road leading to Stow, crossing said road ; 
connected (or continuing) on the South side thereof till it 
comes to the line between land of Nath 1 Rice and Jona. 
Carter ; — thence southerly with the line between said Rice 
& Carter to land of Elisha Wheelor ; then running Easterly 
with the line between said Carter and Wheelor to the 
County roading leading to Marlboro'; — thence running up 
and bounded on the Westerly side of said road till it comes 


opposite to the line between the heirs of Lieut. Dan 1 Good- 
now and land in possession of Robert Ernes at " Sandy 
Hill"; — thence crossing said road to the corner aforesaid ; 
— thence running to a White Oak the head of Capt. Moses 
Maynard's meadow; — thence on a straight line; — thence 
on a straight line to a swamp-White-Oak on the bank of the 
River — eastwardly from the dwelling house of Capt. Moses 
Stone; thence up the river to Framingham line." 

" And it is also enacted that the House and lands of 
Caleb Wheelor — together with the Training-field adjoining 
thereto, shall remain to the Town of Sudbury." 

In the division provision was made for the maintenance, 
by Sudbury, of the Canal Bridge and that portion of the 
old causeway which extends from the bridge westerly to the 
upland. As the support of the Canal Bridge came upon 
Sudbury and mention is made of it in various places in the 
Town Records, it may be of interest here to state something 
of its histoiy. This bridge is so named because it crossed 
that portion of the river which it is supposed ran through an 
artificial channel. No bridge in that immediate vicinity but 
the " Town bridge " is mentioned in the earlier records, and 
the stream, as before stated (see page 93), originally passed 
near the eastern upland. The earliest record we have any 
knowledge of, which contains reference to this bridge, is in 
1768, which is a bill for the repairing of the "new bridge 
near Dea. Stone's, Lanham, Sherman's, the Town bridge and 
the Canal bridge." This shows its existence at that time, 
but gives no intimation as to when it was made ; neither is 
there any record so far as we know as to when the canal was 
constructed. An artificial opening might not have been 
made there until years after the bridge was made. The first 
water-way may have been a natural one which only required 
a small crossing, and may subsequently have been enlarged 
by the current. In other words, when the causeway was 
built a small outlet may have been left in it at this point for 
the purpose of allowing the water to pass off the meadow 
more readily in time of flood. This passage way at first may 
have been but an open fordway. In the process of time, as 


the causeway was gradually raised and the channel or 
aperture naturally increased in size, a more substantial 
bridge may have been required. Another theory is that the 
making of the canal and the bridge was the result of raising 
the causeway at one time or another. If the town succeeded 
in raising the money when it tried to do so by means of a 
lottery in 1758, the Canal Bridge may have been built at 
that time. As there was opposition to raising the causeway, 
because it was supposed that it would set back the water, 
the statement being made that there was " not one foot of 
fall in the river for 25 or 30 miles," an aperture might have 
been left in the raised road or causeway or a canal cut to 
obviate the difficulty, and the canal would require a bridge. 
Still another theory is that the canal was built by private 
enterprise. Mr. Abel Gleason, now one of the oldest inhabi- 
tants of Wayland, states that when he was a boy, ten or 
twelve years old, he helped make hay on both sides of the 
canal for Colonel Baldwin, the owner of the land ; and that 
the colonel told him that " the water always made its way 
over the ' oxbow ' more or less ; but at one time a Mr. 
Goodnow and another man, whose name he could not re- 
member, dug out a straight channel for the water to run in." 
A channel once dug would naturally increase until suffi- 
ciently large to allow all the water to pass through it. The 
short causeway from Sudbury to the Canal Bridge was laid 
out by the county commissioners in 1832, and the same year 
was made under the supervision of a committee from East 

The following officers were chosen, just before the divi- 
sion, at a town-meeting held in the East and West meeting- 
houses, March 6, 1780 : " Selectmen — Capt. Asahel Wheeler. 
W m Baldwin Esq. Mr. Thomas Walker, Capt. Caleb Moul- 
ton, Mr. Isaac Maynard. Capt. Thadeus Russel, Mr. Benja- 
min Smith. Town Clerk and Treasurer James Thompson. 
Other officers chosen were 3 Assessors, 4 Constables, A 
' committee of correspondence,' consisting of five persons. 4 
' wardins.' 2 surveyors of shingles, 2 sealers of leather, 3 
fence viewers. 2 deer reeves, 4 tythingmen, 4 hog reeves, 
2 field drivers, 8 surveyors of highway, 2 fish reeves, and 2 


clerks of the market. Total on the official board fifty -five 

After the division the town went on with its usual 
activity. At a town-meeting held March 5, 1781, the fol- 
lowing officers were chosen: " Moderator — Capt. Jonathan 
Rice. Selectmen — Mr. W m Rice, Capt. Moses Stone, Lieut. 
Jacob Reed, Lieut. Abijah Brigham, Capt. Samuel Knight. 
Clerk and Treasurer, W m Rice." The records state that the 
town-meetings were frequently held at the house of Mr. 
Johnson. Probably this was the house of Aaron Johnson, 
Innholder. Some of the early town records and acts after 
its division are the following : Oct. 8, 1781, granted " Rev. 
Mr. Bigelow for salary the ensuing year seventy-four pounds 
in specie, also granted for a grammar school for a year, 12 
pounds and ordered that said school be kept at the school 
house near the meeting house, also granted for support of a 
reading and writing school 48 pounds and ordered the same 
to be kept in the other four school houses in the same pro- 
portion. Also granted GO pounds to furnish their quota of 
beef for the suppty of the army. Also allowed 16 shillings 
for the taking care of the meeting house, and chose John 
Green to take care of the meeting house and dig graves as 
occasion required for the ensuing year." At the same meet- 
ing money was granted for the supply of the soldiers for the 
Continental army. 

In the warrant of a meeting dated Jan. 15, 1781, was an 
article " to see if the town would choose a committee and 
empower them to bring an action against or proceed other- 
wise in a suit of law with the town of Boston for their 
bringing Mary Piper and her children into Sudbury, she and 
her children not being able to support themselves and not 
belonging to Sudbury." At a subsequent meeting the com- 
mittee was chosen to proceed against Boston as suggested. 

In 1782, it was " voted to pay Rev. Mr. Bigelow's salary 
in specie 111 pounds, of which Roland Bogle's part to 
collect as constable was £52 — 11 s — 9 d and Mr. Joshua 
Hayncs part as constable to collect was £58 — 8 s — 3 d ." In 
1782, the town ordered their committee to build a suitable 
place at the school-house " near the meeting house for 


hanging their bell on instead of repairing the place where 
it now stands." In 1785, the number of selectmen chosen 
was reduced to three. In 1787, it was voted to rebuild the 
canal bridge. The same year Isaac Lincoln was chosen to 
take care of the meeting-house and ring the bell, for which 
he was to have eighteen shillings, which was the lowest 
price bid. 

shay's rebellion. 

In 1 786, occurred an event called Shay's Rebellion or In- 
surrection. The cause of it was the unsettled condition of 
the country, its depreciated currency, and a lack of business 
prosperity in general. A small portion of the community 
sought to adjust matters by resorting to arms. An effort 
was made by some of the insurgents to prevent the holding 
of the county courts, and, on several occasions, the presence 
of troops was required to preserve the peace. Concord, 
being a county town, was one of the imperiled places, and 
there were indications that on Sept. 12, 1708, an outbreak 
might occur there, as on that day a company of about one 
hundred men assembled there under command of Job Shat- 
tuck of Groton, and Nathan and Sylvanus Smith of Shirley. 
Matters, however, were adjusted without any open out- 
break. From the proximity of Concord to Sudbury, nat- 
urally the town would be expected to render military service 
at that place if it was needed, and also to furnish aid, in 
common with the other towns, for the suppression of the 
rebellion. The following papers are supposed to refer to 
such service. 

" Sudbury 10 th September 1786 
" Sir you will fully comply with the orders you received 
from me this Day, Excepting your Marching by the shotest 
Rout to Concord, you will instead of Marching to Concord 
March with your Company Imbodied to Sudbury Meeting 
House at Eight oclock in the Morning in order to join the 
Reg 4 

" Capt Benj Sawin yours &c Jon a Rice Lt. C, Comd " 


" Commonwealth of Massachusetts D r 
" To the Selectmen of Sudbury for furnishing the men 
that was called out to Supres the Late Rebellion agreeably 
to the Militia Law to three different times to seven Days 
each at four Shillings P r Day." 

Nov. 24, 1788, it was voted to hear the report of a com- 
mittee who had, at a previous meeting, been appointed to 
present a report of the depreciation of Mr. Bigelow's salary. 
They " reported that the sum of £155 — 18 s — 9 d was due to 
Mr. Bigelow on the deficiency of his salaries for the years 
1776, 1777, 1778 and half of 1779," and it was voted to pay 
£120 to make up the deficiency. 

In 1789, the town " empowered a committee to purchase 
the land of Mr. Doane for the purpose of enlarging the 
burying ground and voted that the committee provide and 
build the wall around the yard." When the town were 
assembled in October, 1789, and the committee reported 
relative to the land for enlarging the burying-ground, it was 
voted "that the inhabitants of the town now present go 
out and inspect the land proposed, when the inhabitants 
returned, and a vote was taken, but passed in the negative ; 
this question came up if they would accept of the land if 
they could have it free of expense and they voted in the 

In 1792, the town voted to sell the training field in the 
southeast part of the town, and " the Committee formerly 
employed to sell the Work house " were appointed to attend 
to the work. The same year measures were taken for the 
prevention of the small-pox. The article concerning it in 
the warrant was " To see if the town would admit the Small 
Pox into sd town by Inoculation." " It passed in the nega- 
tive." The following year the selectmen were instructed 
" to take measures to prevent the spreading of the small 
pox, and to prosecute the persons who transgressed the laws 
respecting the disease." Instructions were also given " to 
make diligent search to see if there were any persons who 
had been inoculated for small pox contrary to law." 


In accordance with a vote of the General Court in 1794, 
a map was made of the town. This map, a copy of which 
is in the State Archives (Vol. II., page 7), was made by 
Mathias Mosmon, and bears date April 17, 1795. A copy 
of it is here given together with the following statement and 
description by the author of the map : — 

"The above Plan of the Town of Sudbury in the County 
of Middlesex, Common Wealth of Massachusetts was taken 
by the Direction of a Committee Chosen by the Inhabitants 
of S d Sudbury in obedience to an order of the General Court 
dated June 26 th — 1794. on the above plan Air inserted 
and described Each Town line that meets or joins with 
Sudbury. the Rivers are also accurately surveyed and 
planned, the breadth of which are as folio weth. the River 
Elsabeth is from 4 to 5 rods wide, but [there is] no public 
bridge over the river where it joins Sudbury, the other river 
called Sudbury or Concord River is from 7 to 8 or 9 rods 
wide, and [there is] one bridge over sd river where it joins 
Sudbury called Sharman's Bridge, 100 feet long, one-half 
belonging to Sudbury, and 25 rod of Causeway. Sudbury 
also [is to] build and keep in repair the Canal Bridge in 
East Sudbury Long causeway and 52 rods of s d causeway, 
the County roads are also surveyed and planned, in Sud- 
bury is but one house for public worship which is noted, 
the center of the town is about one mile northwestwardly 
from the meetinghouse, the distance from S d Sudbury to 
Cambridge the shire-town of the county is 17 miles, and 
from s d Sudbury to Boston the Metropolis of the Common- 
wealth of Massachusetts through Watertown and Roxbury 
is 22 miles, and through & over West Boston Bridge is 20 
miles, in Sudbury is but 3 ponds of any considerable mag- 
nitude which has been Surveyed and planned as above, 
here is no falls of Water worthy of note, in S d Sudbury is 
not a hill whose summit is lofty, in the Southwardly part 
o£ s d town is part of a hill called Penobscott which will be 
described in the plan of Framingham. No manufactories are 
erected in Sudbury, in s d [town] are three grist mills, two 
saw mills, and one fulling mill as above described, on a 


836 R W V " 


Stream known by several different names as above, the 
width of which where it leaves Marlborough and enters 
Sudbury is not much more than a yard wide and where it 
enters East Sudbury is about 5 yards wide, in the North- 
wardly part of s d Sudbury a mine has been discovered and 

worked upon, the depth of the hole is about feet in 

a Ledge of rocks supposed to be a copper mine but has not 
been worked in since the beginning of the Revolution, here 
is not Iron Works or furnaces, said plan is laid down by a 
scale of 200 rods to an inch Surveyed by 

" Mathias Mosmon 
" Dated at Sudbury April 17 = 1795." 


In the latter part of the period the